Veja | Chebama

capa380

Obama resumes diplomatic ties with Cuba and accelerates the end of the dictatorship, which will soon no longer be able to blame its failure on the embargo

 

Source: Veja

Pollsters and Dailies At Odds in Post-Election

datafolha-6

Source:  Blog da Cidadania.| Edu Guimarães

A follow-up to

  1. IBOPE Hope | Globo’s Phantom Numbers?
  2. Vox Populi | Corruption Numbers

Last Wednesday the Jornal Nacional reported partial results of the historical series of polls that IBOPE conducts together with the National Industrial Confederation (CNI).

The IBOPE-CNI survey reported that the popularity of Dilma Rousseff has increased. The JN, on the other hand, limited itself to a mere infographic that distorts this fact in the process.

As you can see, IBOPE conducted the survey and concluded that Dilma’s popularity has grown. But the numbers reflected on the CNI-IBOPE chart do not fit the numbers of the JN graphic.
What happened was very simple: The JN poached numbers from other IBOPE surveys like this on Dilma’s popularity, and presented them as part of the historical series IBOPE maintains for the CNI.

 

But why are the numbers so different from previous IBOPE polls conducted exclusively for the CNI? And well you may ask. There are several factors that might explain the discrepancy: the trust index, number of survey subjects, and so on.

Because every poll has a certain quality all its own, you cannot mix a historical series – each applying the same criteria – with random polls based on a different database.

 

In a word: the Jornal Nacional used a cheap trick. It forged a historical series for the CNI to deceive its viewers.

Ten days before the publication of the CNI-IBOPE poll, the Folha de São Paulo made space on the front page for a Datafolha survey which discovered excellent results for Dilma, but which, as happened at the Jornal Nacional, was distorted by the journalists that reported the story.

The topic was dealt with in the post: Folha manipulated an infographic and inverted data from the Datafolha survey. The front page headline shows that Folha lumped together subjects who believed Dilma had little responsibility for the Petrobras scandal with those who thought her responsibility was great. With this sleight of hand, the Folha was able to report that 68% of Brazilians blame Dilma for the scandal.

In analyzing the data, however, we discover indications that – contrary to the Folha headline («Dilma is blamed by everyone!”»), Dilma is highly thought of for combating corruption, and not just at Datafolha, but in a general way.

Source:  Blog da Cidadania.| Edu Guimarães

A follow-up to

  1. IBOPE Hope | Globo’s Phantom Numbers?
  2. Vox Populi | Corruption Numbers

ibope_0 Continue reading

Vox Populi | Corruption Numbers

«A random retrospective of bizarre events»

«A random retrospective of bizarre events»

Topic | Combatting Corruption

Source |  Brasil 24/7 | Vox Populi

Excerpt translated: C. Brayton

247 – A survey conducted by  Vox Populi reveals that a fair portion of the population believes the

«A random retrospective of bizarre events»

«A random retrospective of bizarre events»

Topic | Combatting Corruption

Source |  Brasil 24/7 | Vox Populi

Excerpt translated: C. Brayton

247 – A survey conducted by  Vox Populi reveals that a fair portion of the population believes the Workers Party when it says that corruption prosecutions are on the rise recently because  the government has given law enforcement the autonomy to discover corruption and arrest those responsible.

According to the sample, consisting of 2,500 interviews in 178 Brazilian cities between December 5 and December 8,  31% believe that it was ex-President Lula who, of the last three heads of state, “did the most to combat corruption.” His succesor, Dilma Rousseff, was named by 29%. In last place, president Fernando Henrique Cardoso of the PSDB.

“The numbers indicate that 60% believe in the anticorruption efforts of three PT administrations, whereas FHC is identified by less than 25% of those who voted for the PSDB in October,” said  Vox Populi president Marcos Coimbra, who published the results in this week’s CartaCapital magazine. He criticized the “media establishment” for not having produced opinion polling on the Petrobras crisis, then corrected himself.

“That is not quite true. Datafolha published one in early December. It attracted attention for its extravagant headline based on the editorial line of the Folha de S. Paulo, which, after all, owns the institute: “Brazilian blames Dilma for Petrobras Case.”

“No further surveys were commissioned, as though that particular study settled the question for good. As if the paper’s own ombudsman had no roundly criticized the dubious mathematics used by the editors in publishing the piece,” says Coimbra.

Read an excerpt of the ombudsman’s critique at the foot of this note.

The OmbudsmanCoimbra added that “only 13% of the survey had not heard of the charges of criminal conduct at Petrobras. In other words, 86% of the population is aware of the case, with no significant variations according to levels of education.”

Among those who had heard of the case, 69% believe that “the irregularities at Petrobras started before the PT [took power.]” Of the rest, 23% said it began with the PT in office, and 8% said they did not know.

Concerning which political parties might be involved in “irregularities,” 7% blamed “the PT and the PT alone” while 18% identified “the PT and its allies, such as the PMDB and PP.”

The remaining two thirds said that all the parties were involved, “including the PSDB, the PSB and the DEM”.

The Ombudsman

The Folha ombudsman writes on the blame game headline and the funky polling used to support it:

What is surprising, and not just in the Petrobras case, are the apparent contradictions of this number and others published in the same article. If 68% blame the president in some way for the Petrobras affair, how is it possible for 42% to have rated her government good or excellent, the same level of popularity as in October, during the election campaign? Dilma is also absent from the list of those benefiting from corruption, and 40% said that the corrupt were punished more often during her administration.

It is no uncommon for the collective perception to present erratic results, but the problem in this case … is the generic question posed by the Folha. The term “responsibility” is an umbrella too broad to be used as it was here, without complementary questions that would not only help orient the interview subject but also the reader, to understand what the terms means to each.

The senior editors agree that additional questions might help qualify the conclusions about public perception, but say that there is no reason to think they would change the principal result. I agree … My point is that the survey could have gone further, establishing the whats and trying to explain the whys.

Polls are useful tools for determining the public humor, and at best carefully delimit their topic and independently check their conclusions. If not, as our reader says, the result is vague and becomes mere fodder for gossip.

Workers Party when it says that corruption prosecutions are on the rise recently because  the government has given law enforcement the autonomy to discover corruption and arrest those responsible.

According to the sample, consisting of 2,500 interviews in 178 Brazilian cities between December 5 and December 8,  31% believe that it was ex-President Lula who, of the last three heads of state, “did the most to combat corruption.” His succesor, Dilma Rousseff, was named by 29%. In last place, president Fernando Henrique Cardoso of the PSDB.

“The numbers indicate that 60% believe in the anticorruption efforts of three PT administrations, whereas FHC is identified by less than 25% of those who voted for the PSDB in October,” said  Vox Populi president Marcos Coimbra, who published the results in this week’s CartaCapital magazine. He criticized the “media establishment” for not having produced opinion polling on the Petrobras crisis, then corrected himself.

“That is not quite true. Datafolha published one in early December. It attracted attention for its extravagant headline based on the editorial line of the Folha de S. Paulo, which, after all, owns the institute: “Brazilian blames Dilma for Petrobras Case.”

“No further surveys were commissioned, as though that particular study settled the question for good. As if the paper’s own ombudsman had no roundly criticized the dubious mathematics used by the editors in publishing the piece,” says Coimbra.

Read an excerpt of the ombudsman’s critique at the foot of this note.

The OmbudsmanCoimbra added that “only 13% of the survey had not heard of the charges of criminal conduct at Petrobras. In other words, 86% of the population is aware of the case, with no significant variations according to levels of education.”

Among those who had heard of the case, 69% believe that “the irregularities at Petrobras started before the PT [took power.]” Of the rest, 23% said it began with the PT in office, and 8% said they did not know.

Concerning which political parties might be involved in “irregularities,” 7% blamed “the PT and the PT alone” while 18% identified “the PT and its allies, such as the PMDB and PP.”

The remaining two thirds said that all the parties were involved, “including the PSDB, the PSB and the DEM”.

The Ombudsman

The Folha ombudsman writes on the blame game headline and the funky polling used to support it:

What is surprising, and not just in the Petrobras case, are the apparent contradictions of this number and others published in the same article. If 68% blame the president in some way for the Petrobras affair, how is it possible for 42% to have rated her government good or excellent, the same level of popularity as in October, during the election campaign? Dilma is also absent from the list of those benefiting from corruption, and 40% said that the corrupt were punished more often during her administration.

It is no uncommon for the collective perception to present erratic results, but the problem in this case … is the generic question posed by the Folha. The term “responsibility” is an umbrella too broad to be used as it was here, without complementary questions that would not only help orient the interview subject but also the reader, to understand what the terms means to each.

The senior editors agree that additional questions might help qualify the conclusions about public perception, but say that there is no reason to think they would change the principal result. I agree … My point is that the survey could have gone further, establishing the whats and trying to explain the whys.

Polls are useful tools for determining the public humor, and at best carefully delimit their topic and independently check their conclusions. If not, as our reader says, the result is vague and becomes mere fodder for gossip.

Zé Dirceu | The Weak in Leaks

index

An inland São Paulo newspaper has its phone tapped to determine whether or not it is leaking information in the furtherance of a criminal enterprise.

The chattering classes weigh right in on the ethical subtleties of the case.

The blog of disgraced former PT Cardinal Zé Dirceu begs to differ, as translated below.

The entire Brazilian media, led, naturally by the Marinho family and Globo and its flagship news program, Jornal Nacional, have focused intensely (over the past three days) on the breach of privacy represented by the bugging of the telephones of an inland newspaper — the Diário da Região, in São José do Rio Preto, and one of its journalists, Allan de Abreu.

The decision was criticized by industry associations, but roundly defended by Carlos Alberto de Mello of Observatório da Imprensa, ed. 821.

“The surveillance warrant was signed by municipal judge Dasser Lettiere Jr., based on the argument that they may have been publishing information protecting by a gag order. In 2011, the paper published two reports based on data obtained from federal police wiretaps of a group of inspectors from the Ministry of Labor who had allegedly demanded bribes of business owners to free them from fines related to working conditions.

“In May of this year, the federal attorney (MPF) had already determined the opening of a probe into journalists of TV Tem, a Globo affiliate in São José do Rio Preto, for leaking the exact same information, but the charges were dropped.

“And now, with Globo in the vanguard, the industry is backing the newspaper’s defense against the judicial ruling.

“They allege that the wiretapping of the Diário and its reporter is unconstitutional, in that it does not protect the anonymity of the source from whom the reporter received the information. They revive the old cliché, that this is, in practice if not in theory, a violation of the freedom of the press.

“What this media doesn’t say is that it and its accomplices also disrespect the Constitution.

“What our news media does not say — starting again with Globo’s mighty Jornal Nacional — is that today it is common for journalists to violate the confidentiality of cases [conducted under a gag order.]

“They violate these rules constantly and without ceremony, demonstrating a contempt for the legal norms and the Constitutional norms for judicial investigations, inquiries or trials making their way through the Justice system.

“They do it openly, shamelessly. Globo in particular, but also the major dailies, the Folha and Estadão, and the newsweeklies Veja e Época. Examples abound. They all have a direct line to senior agents, magistrates and even with certain judges who, selectively and on purpose, violate the law and Constitution and leak secret information.

“In fact, all of them commit a criminal act — the leaker, the reporter, and the publisher– in the interest of political and electoral ambitions, as we saw during the recent campaign and the eve of election day, in the case of Operation Car Wash.

“That case, by the way, is particularly objectionable because what was leaked was information obtained from a plea bargain, which can lead to the nullification of the entire operation or the plea bargain itself.

“This use of this defense in the case of São José do Rio Preto clearly reflects a veiled corporate  agenda in its appeals to freedom, extolling itself with a patriotic rhetoric based on freedom of expression, the freedom of professionals, and in this manner conceals what in practice journalists and authorities engage in every day when they violate the law by exchanging secret information on investigations, enquiries and gag orders.

Leaks ruin investigations because they tip off criminals.

This was the case in this case of the inland newspaper. The leak damaged the investigations by alerting the suspects. And how does the Brazilian press look upon this exercise in pseudojournalism, with the leaking of secrets based on an illegal method? It stands up and applauds

Now, the right of response, itself a constitutional right, in practice does not exist in Brazil today, and our media do all they can to keep things that way. It does not exist because our media simply refuses to apply it.

The reason is a simple one: the media wants to be feared in order to exercise influence over governments using its monopoly over information. As they are doing now in reporting in a skewed and partial manner the facts in the case of the telephone surveillance of the journalist and his paper, in order to pressure a civil servant into committing a crime by violating the gag order.

It also behaves this way because it wants to be feared in order to manipulate and distort as it pleases and thereby — many times in an exchange of favors –obtain contracts to print school books at their publishing plants, take a bite out of ever more plump and juicy advertising budgets, and obtain fiscal exemptions and tax laws that favorite it.

 

Petrobras Faces U.S.-based Collective Action

index

Source Globo | Valor Econômico

Topic: A Roster of Class Action Warriors in the Petrobras Case

U.S. law firm Levi & Korsisnky has filed another class action suit against Petrobras in New York, accusing the company of failing to prevent corruption in its ranks and of having overvalued its assets in its fiscal reports.  This brings the number of law suits in U.S. courts to ten.

Continue reading

No More Chrome @ Home, For Now

Screenshot from 2014-12-19 08:37:30

Joel Lee writes:

After five long years of using Chrome as my main browser, I finally had to bite the bullet and switch over to Firefox due to some glaring issues

In my case, it was the high memory and CPU usage that finally frustrated me to the point of no return.

I have an ongoing process (WIRE) that requires about 30% of memory, and causes Chrome to freeze. The Task Manager provided by developers (above) does not provide a workable solution.

The need to reset the application using

Ctl-Alt-F3
killall chrome

gets tiresome quick.

And so here we are.

Petrobras 6-K | Looming Class Actions?

Screenshot from 2014-12-18 18:12:27

Source: SEC Filing

From the Form 6-K dated 15-December-2014 and submitted by Petrobras to the U.S. SEC. It is required to update shareholders as to its delayed results for 3Q in short order. Shareholders have until February 9 to join the class.

  1. On November 21, 2014, Petrobras received a subpoena from the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) requesting certain documents relating to an investigation of the Company by the SEC;
  2. On December 3, 2014, Petrobras gained access to the depositions of Mr. Julio Gerin de Almeida Camargo (Grupo Toyo) and Mr. Augusto Ribeiro de Mendonça Neto (Grupo Setal) given as state’s evidence to prosecutors;
  3. On December 9, 2014, the Company was served with a class-action complaint filed by Mr. Peter Kaltman before the U.S. Court (United States District Court, Southern District of New York). We expect additional complaints to be filed, which could potentially be consolidated with Kaltman’s complaint;
  4. On November 11, 2014, criminal charges were filed by the Brazilian Public Prosecutor’s Office against several individuals …  including the Former Director of Downstream, Paulo Roberto Costa, and managers of other companies for active corruption, passive corruption, organized crime, money-laundering and falsification of documents.

Kaltman may be the aggrieved shareholder interviewed by Sept. 4 by Bloomberg — «Peter Kaltman, a retired accountant, says he was reassured by the Securities Investor Protection Corp. logo on the stationery of the brokerage that sold him $550,000 in Stanford International Bank certificates of deposit.»

A week ago, the FT published a list of potential class action attorneys in connection with the case.

Six US law firms say they have begun class-action proceedings against Petrobras in an effort to recoup money for US investors who lost money as a multibillion-dollar corruption scandal engulfed Brazil’s biggest company.

The Pomerantz law firm, Glance Binkow & Goldberg, Brower Piven, Kahn Swick & Foti, Wolf Popper, and Rosen Law Firm are all seeking court approval to bring class-action lawsuits on behalf of investors who bought American Depositary Shares (ADSs) in Brazil’s state-controlled oil producer on the New York Stock Exchange.

  1. Pomerantz
  2. Glance Binkow & Goldberg
  3. Brower Piven
  4. Kahn Swick & Foti
  5. Wolf Popper
  6. Rosen Law Firm

classact

The only attorney to speak on the record — that I can find — since the case broke is Robert Finkel of Wolf Popper.

Finkel is confident he will be able to enforce judgment on Petrobras and its executives if he wins. Investors interested in becoming lead plaintiffs have until Feb. 6 to file a motion with the court, a Wolf Popper statement said.

“There is a good track record for dealing with cases related to the U.S. Foreign Corrupt Practices Act,” he said. “They registered their securities here, they are subject to U.S. law.”

The Association of Corporate Counsel offers a comparative course on Brazil’s anti-corruption law and similar legislation, including the FCPA;

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