Veja parody issue, dated September 25, 1929. “NYSE: A safe investment with guaranteed returns. Also in this issue: Nazi plans for building the world’s safest airship!” Source: Desiclopedia (Brazil)
When Ali Kamel, executive director of Global Journalism Central, reacted with indignation to a recent article by Bernado Kucinski in the Agência Carta Maior, the following was the article he was reacting indignantly to.
In my reading of it, the only point of fact in this account by Kucinski that Kamel contests is that he traveled to Brasília.
The case of what to do with Radiobrás is an interesting one, around which much debate has swirled, polarized around two positions
- What good is being the government if you cannot use the govenrment broadcasting system to drum up support for your government?
- Radiobrás ought to be more like PBS or C-SPAN
I actually think the Agência Brasil compares favorably to Voice of America in terms of role and quality — and mind you, I tend to think that in the pre-Bush era, VOA was actually something to be sort of proud of. What might be more interesting would be to compare its evolution with the history of something like Notimex (Mexico) or Tass (The Greater Slavic Hobbesian State of Nature Zone).
One thing I can say about the AB is that I really do think it has the best-designed news Web site you will see just about anywhere. I always glance at it, if only for that reason: You can see everything that is one it at a glance, some of which is even interesting and useful at times.
But to Kucinski’s analysis of Globol hegemony now:
How Globo defined the single, dominant narrative of the “big monthly allowance”crisis
Globo’s journalism center in Brasília, say journalists who work inside Globo, formed a sort of “crisis cabinet” with opposition leaders, including ACM Neto and Paes de Andrade. Closing Radiobrás was a prime example of the major errors in the communications policy of the Lula administration. Analysis by Bernardo Kucinski.
During the Lula years, the media abandoned its role as a broker of political power and began acting directly as an opposition political party. Though they fiercely dispute market share among themselves, there is more programmatic unity among the barons of the press than there is in any other Brazilian political party, even such ideologically-oriented parties as the PT and the PSOL. All of the major outlets, without exception, support privatizations, the curbing of government spending, the reduction of taxes; the achievement of a trade surplus, and the entry of Brazil into NAFTA; all are opposed to the idea of a sovereign fund, to controls on the entry of foreign capital, to the Bolsa Família income subsidy, to affirmative action for blacks, Indians and students from public schools in the universities, to the entry of Venezuela in the Mercosul and to the Mercosul itself. All systematically criticize all areas of the the government, no matter what the government does or does not do.
In the massive press campaign that drove Getúlio Vargas to suicide, the government still counted on the support of one powerful national newspaper chain, Wainer’s Última Hora. Today, there is no such exception to the rule among the major newspapers. Another difference today is the widespread adherence of journalists to the positions of the political opposition, and their dissemination of those positions through all forms of media, making these journalists a sort of professional subculture. Egged on by publishers, praised by successful journalists and led by the columnists, the organic intellectuals of the newsrooms, this subculture developed its own modes of narrative and its own jargon.