The IOU of Paulo Maluf | Jersey Court Sets Penalty

Maluf inaugurates the Roberto Marinho bridge

As the Brazilian culture industry begins to respond to government subsidies and incentives, it would be neat if someone took up the challenge of making a biopic on Paulo Salim Maluf or PFL Senator Antônio Carlos Magalhães.

Source: Folha de S.Paulo.
Translation: C. Brayton

A Jersey court has ruled on the amount that current federal deputy Paulo Maluf (PP-SP) must return to the city government of São Paulo in a case involving the diversion of between 1997 and 1998 of public funds: US$28.3 million, equivalent to R$ 57 million at current exchange rates.

The sentence ordering the repayment was handed down on Friday, January 18, in Jersey, a Channel Island off the English coast.

When the court found Maluf guilty on November 16, 2012, the only pending issue was the original value of the assets misued: US$ 10.5 million

Caption: Paulo Maluf photographed at the headquarters of Eucatex, his family business.

The court found that this was the sum of money misappropriated as of February 1998 and corrected the sum as of the date of Maluf’s conviction, on November 16, 2012. Interest was set at 1% above prime, using T-Bills as a reference.

Maluf was also ordered to repay the plaintiff’s legal costs. Estimates are that these costs could run as high as  R$9 million, but the city has not yet produced an official calculation of legal fees spent on British solicitors since February 2005.

Maluf himself was ordered to return the funds because the court concluded that he and his son Flávio controlled two offshore companies, Durant International and a Kildare Financial. that received a total of US$10.5 million.

Maluf denies controlling these firms.  The Jersey court possesses documents signed by Maluf.

According to the Jersey court, the money was misappropriated during the construction of Àguas Espraiadas Avenue (later renamed for Globo chief executive Roberto Marinho) between 1997 and 1998, when Celso Pitta, on Maluf’s recommendation, was at the helm of the city government. In its ruling, the court took special note of the fact that the scheme was executed when Maluf ran the city, between 1993 and 1996.

A Jersey court has ruled on the amount that current federal deputy Paulo Maluf (PP-SP) must return to the city government of São Paulo in a case involving the diversion of between 1997 and 1998 of public funds: US$28.3 million, equivalent to R$ 57 million at current exchange rates.

The sentence ordering the repayment was handed down on Friday, January 18, in Jersey, a Channel Island off the English coast.

Jersey court holds Maluf responsible for siphoning off US$ 22 million.

When the court found Maluf guilty on November 16, 2012, the only pending issue was the original value of the assets misued: US$ 10.5 million

[Photo caption] — Paulo Maluf photographed at Eucatex, his family business.

When Maluf was governor, he had a highway built especially to ease his commute between the rural Eucatex and City Hall.

The court found that these funds were misappropriated in February 1998 and ordered that they be corrected as of the date of its ruling — November 16, 2012.  Interest rates were set at 1% above prime, using T-Bills as a reference.

Maluf was also ordered to repay the plaintiff’s legal costs. Estimates are that these costs could run as high as  R$9 million, but the city has not yet produced an official calculation of its legal fees spent on British lawyers since February 2005.

Maluf himself was ordered to return the funds because the court concluded that he and his son Flávio controlled two offshore companies, Durant International and a Kildare Financial. that received a total of US$10.5 million.

Maluf denies controlling these firms.  The Jersey court is in possession of documents signed by Maluf.

According to the Jersey court, the money was misappropriated during the construction of Àguas Espraiadas Avenue (later renamed for Globo chief executive Roberto Marinho) between 1997 and 1998, when Celso Pitta, on Maluf’s recommendation, was at the helm of the city government.

Maluf is legendary for his «pharaonic» public works projects, the most infamous of which is the Big Worm — Minhocão, an elevated throughway that, in the words of local motorists, mostly serves as a congested bridge between one giant pool of traffic congestion and another.

In its ruling, the court took special note of the fact that the scheme was executed when Maluf ran the city, between 1993 and 1996.

Lula and Haddad of the PT suck it up: Grip and grin with Maluf is price of PP support in municipal elections. Opposition parties also sought the Malufist imprimatur

 

«Vivendi Sells Off GVT»

Source:  Portal ClippingMP.

BTG Pactual, the investment bank led by André Esteves, has dropped out of the running for Brazilian telephone company GVT, controlled since 2009 by the French communications and entertainment groupo Vivendi.

At the outset, the company was pursued by four suitors, but that number fell to three when BTG, due to a combination of factors, including … price, as Valor discovered. BTG has no comment on the story. It is believed that Esteves could rethink the company’s offer and rejoin the fray.

The sale of GVT is in its “data room” phase, opening its books to interested parties. Binding offers are expected in February, but in the meantime, the company’s data has undergone constant, though minor, adjustments.

The three groups still in the running are (1) the consortium comprising the American fund KKR, the Brazilian asset manager Gávea —  founded by former Brazilian central bank chairman Armínio Fraga — and Cambuhy Investimentos; (2) Apax, a Brazilian private equity partnership; and (3) the American DirecTV.

GVT has been valued at some R$16 billion. When it decided to sell off its Brazilian holdings, Vivendi decided to offer  between €7 billion e €9 billion for GVT. As soon as bidding began, Vivendi showed signs of a willingness to accept R$19 bilhões, or €6.3 billion.

In 2009, a Vivendi invested R$ 7.5 billion in the purchase of 100% of GVT after disputing the deal with Telefónica.

The value of  GVT as estimated by the interested parties places it above its competitor, Oi, with its R$15 billion in market capital. The Telefonica-Vivo group has a market value of R$55.7 on the São Paulo Stock Exchange | Bovespa.

I wish it were easier to call up share price data from the Web site of the BMF-Bovespa.

Brazilian blog Fusões e Acquisições has been tracking the deal since June of last year.

Vivendi began to consider divesting itself of  GVT after a failed attempt to sell off Activision Blizzard, its digital gaming unit. Sources say, however, that the company was not willing to pay the offer price. “Selling off GVT is no longer a taboo subject and is being discussed internally,”said one source. But Vivendi has not yet hired an investment bank to sell the company off.

Vivendi, a conglomerate whose holdings range from telecom to entertainment, is reviewing its internal structure in order to shore up its falling share price.  Investment banks have submitted investment plans that provide for the sale of business units or the complete dismembering of the Vivendi group.

Valued at  [?]20.5 billion, Vivendi is led by board chairman Jean-René Fourtou, 72, who took over after former CEO Jean-Bernard Levy announced he was leaving last month, citing a falling out among board members over how best to restructure the group.

Vivendi’s share price has recovered somewhat in the meantime, from €13.63 to €17.

High Tension in Low-Lying Places | NIMBY in the Alto de Pinheiros

I suppose I have lived here in Sambodia long enough now to be drawn in to local NIMBYism — «not in my backyard» lobbying in defense of narrow interests.

Hell, taking a gander at our IPTU — property taxes, basically — is turning me into someone with a valid opinion on the subject.

A case in point, featured on Page C1 of the Folha de S. Paulo today:

Source: Folha de S.Paulo
Translation: C. Brayton

The legal battle between residents of the Alto de Pinheiros neighborhood — Western Zone — and electricity supplier AES Eletropaulo over the network of high-tension wires that crosses the neighborhood has arrived at the federal supreme court, the STF.

• System is totally safe, company says
• Electricity grid should be buried, says local resident
• Cell phone antennas also the target of lawsuits.

The STF will hold a three-day public hearing in March to discuss whether high-tension towers lead to health problems, such as cancer.

Residents are paying international specialists to defend their position in Brasília.

Brazil | «IPOs to Quintuple in 2013»

Source: Portal ClippingMP « Valor Econômico
By: Talita Moreira and Ana Paula Ragazzi
Translation: C. Brayton

S. PAULO — After a lean year for initial public offerings, with a mere R$ 4.3 billion in play — the lowest amount since 2005 — major corporations will likely reconsider floating, or refloating, shares on the stock market this year.

Is that a lot or a little? In tech IPOs alone, the Nasdaq led the NYSE-Euronext 17 to 15 this year — I am reading from a press release. In 2004, 69 domestic companies and 11 qualified closed-end funds went public on the NYSE, for a total volume of 80 IPOs and $45 billion. Should ADRs not be counted as well?

Broker and Broker | A Lean Year for Intermediaries

Member brokerages of ANBIMA — Brazilian Association of Capital and Financial Market Institutions

Source: Valor Econômico— Portal ClippingMP.
Translation: C. Brayton

Frustrated by growing costs, most Brazilian independent brokerage houses will close out 2012 in the red. In a survey of the 27 largest Bovespa traders not tied to the major banks, 16 lost money in the first three quarters of 2012.  Among the  houses operating in the black, only one reported profits higher than R$1 million — US$500,000.

The year was notable for internal restructuring and new product distribution strategies. With a view to the future, brokers in this sector are searching for partners in order to survive.  The goal is to rationalize and reduce costs to compensate for lesser margins.

Edemir Pinto, of the BM&F: “Brokerage houses need to think about consolidation.”

São Paulo | First World Cost of Living, Emerging Cost of Dying

 

For the average person in a developing city, the most important factor is safety, health, and security. Efficiency is also important— and that relates to transport or connectivity and how you lay things out through good urban planning. This ability to get around efficiently is probably second in importance only to safety. – Cities of Opportunity | PWC-Partnership for New York City (2012)

Globo News reports, awkwardly worded:

Among Brazilian cities, São Paulo hosts Brazil’s stock exchange as well as the largest number of multinational corporations among Brazilian cities, and its heart beats to the rhythm of business.  But it is  in terms of its business sector that it was recently ranked alongside other major cities in the world.

Among 27 global urban centers, São Paulo ranked 26th in terms of business opportunities. Mumbai was ranked in 27th place.

The city ranks 26th in terms of transportation and infrastructure. In terms of health care and public safety, it ranks last. Along with these well known problems, another difficulty stands out: Internet access is a bottleneck for local businesses due to low quality and high cost.

“Infrastructure that remains out of date and a lack of innovative uses of this technology prevents us from offering a more attractive business environment,”says Alexandre Barbosa of Cetic.br.

Furthermore, how can São Paulo make itself more attractive when it is the third most expensive city in the world in terms of the cost of maintaining a business? The “cost of Brazil” is another factor that diminishes São Paulo’s ability to compete. Other world cities, such as Mumbai and Buenos Aires, have tax rates similar to those found here, according to the study. But the cost of living in São Paulo is as high as it is in cities of the First World.

The results of the ranking were not worse only because of São Paulo’s central economic role: it plays host to some of the largest corporations in the world and its cultural life is intense. “Options exist. What the city must do now is discuss what is to be done and create a plan for the middle and long term,” said Richard Dubois, a partner at Price Watherhouse [sic] Brasil.

The Estado de S. Paulo provides a more complete summary, including a full and proper citation of the study, which had to be googled up to be checked.

São Paulo has declined in terms of its score in a recenlty released 2012 PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) study of social and economic development indicators compared with 2011, and as a result fell to next to last among 27 global urban centers.

According to Cities of Opportunity 2012, released on Wednesday, it outranks only Mumbai and ranks behind other emerging urban centers such as  Johannesburgo (25th), Istambul (24th), Buenos Aires 23rd) and Mexico City (21st). New York remains the leader with 1,112 points, more than double the points scored by the Brazilian city (527).

São Paulo saw its score decline in seven of the ten criteria analyzed, many of them crucial to the realization of such international events as the World Cup 2014. In transportation and infrastructure, for example, the São Paulo capital beat out only Johannesburg.  Its score fell from 28 points in 2011 to 22 in the study just released. levantamento divulgado hoje.

São Paulo also scored lower in the areas of economic influence, technological readiness, health and public safety, demographics and quality of life, sustainablity, and lifestyle.

Improvements were noted in the areas of intellectual capital and innovation, but these advances wre insufficient to improve the city’s score — it ranked 24th, 21st and 25th, respectively, in these areas.

The study is not as purely negative as Globo makes it out to be.

“In relation to other emerging cities, São Paulo is among the easiest to do business,” said the  PwC Brasil partner and lead researcher for government and the public sector, Richard Dubois. The study shows it is easier to open businesses in São Paulo than in Beijing  (22nd place), Istambul (23), Moscow (24), Buenos Aires (25), Mumbai (26) e Shanghai (27). Emerging cities scoring higher than the Brazilian metropolis were Johannesburg (19) and Mexico City (17).

Dubois notes, on the other hand, that national data were used for the nine items used to calculate the ease of doing business. An example is the ease of starting a new business, in which São Paulo received a grade of 6 out of 27 possible. Sydney,  Austrália received the highest grade in this area.

The only Brazilian city studied — Rio de Janeiro will join the list in 2013 — is notable for its real growth in GDP. It growth in this area ranked 16th from 2010 to 2011, ahead of Seoul, Abu Dhabi, Sydney, Tokyo, Paris and London, among others. São Paulo ranks 7th in economically active age groups and 15th in terms of major construction projects.

R7 To Translate New York Times Content

The Record network of Brazil — a heavily bankrolled wannabe rival to the dominant Globo media empire — announces the signing of a content sharing agreement with the New York Times.

Source: R7.

In 2008, the metrosexual Folha de S. Paulo — its content is used to stock the UOL portal as Record and Globo do the R7 and G1 portals — entered into a similar, and not uncontroversial, agreement with the Gray Lady.

Folha ombudsman Suzana Singer — the admirable Suzana Singer — commented in June on the «imported from the Times» paywall model.

The Carta Capital newsweekly has a similar arrangement with The Economist, despite some divergences in policy viewpoints.

Does this mean that Times correspondent Simon Romero will be reduced to translating the reporting of the Folha‘s Lilian Christofoletti?

Note to self, gin up a matrix of content partnerships of this kind.

The Grupo Abril — which began life as a local franchise of Disney cartoons — has long developed Brazilian franchises of U.S. magazine titles, everything from Playboy to  National Geographic. Big publishing has resisted protectionist efforts designed to stimulate media and entertainment production at home.

In any event,

The R7 news portal has signed a content partnership with  The New York Times. Internauts will find articles from the North American daily on the R7 Web site.

«Internaut» is a word that deserves to be absorbed into English.

Anti-Free Cultural Ana | Scenes from a Cultural Cold War

Some ill-sorted notes on the New World Lusophone culture wars follow.

Last weekend [-- as of January 25, 2011--] Culture minister Ana de Hollanda was harshly criticized by Twitterers for deciding to withdraw the Creative Commons license from the ministry’s Web site. The development was seen by defenders of digital content sharing as a declaration of war on copyleft, as well as a realignment of policy with conservative views of Brazilian intellectual property law.

Other government sites, such as the Blog do Planalto — the Brazilian federal presidency — remain covered by Atribuição-Compartilha Igual 2.5 Brasil (CC BY-SA 2.5), «except where explicitly otherwise provided».

(Point of ignorance remaining: How does the Brazil-specific version of this license differ from the model license developed by the law guys at Stanford and Harvard?)

A fairly recent article by Larry Rohter of the New York Times, featuring private-sector sponsorship of cultural programs by such public-private entities as SESC — we have a number of friends who earn income for their art from the São Paulo chapter of this agency — left me wondering.

Why, for example, did Brazil’s culture ministry last year withdraw its support for the Creative Commons licensing of ministry-produced and -distributed content? What has this decision had to do with a — chronically — pending bill reforming a 1998 law on copyright and authorial rights, if any?

Consider the following.

• P2P Foundation » Blog Archive » Background on the anti-freecultural policies of the new Brazilian Minister of Culture, Ana de Hollanda

In general, tackling the native cultural bureaucracy is in itself something of a mind-bending task.

The vast bulk of Brazilian culture-industrial production is not economically independent; it suffers from oligopoly on one hand — Globo and its NET cable and broadband operation — and surreal Kafkaesque-Brechtian hunger artistry on the other.

The opening titles of domestically produced films roll on forever, like the opening titles of the Star Wars saga, with names of government agencies, non-governmental organizations and corporate sponsors attracted by the Rouanet law and its corporate tax incentives. Cable channels struggle to comply with, and quietly lobby hard against, quotas favoring domestic production.

And so, what, if anything, has this controversial move had to do with calls for the Minister’s removal, so far unheeded, if any?

An extensive article in issue No. 182 of Caros Amigos describes a Culture minister, Anna de Hollanda, suffering «cross-fire from all sides», including the ruling PT and its legislative base, for abandoning the cultural policy of the previous minister.

The consecrated musician Gilberto Gil, who served as MiniCult from 2003-2008, had championed adherence to the Creative Commons and Free Software movements and has notably made some — though not all — of his own creative work available with CC licensing, styling himself “the hacker-minister”.

I translate:

On March 11, 2007, the New York Times dedicated an article to the efforts of minister Gil with respect to «making copyright more flexible». The article, “Gilberto Gil Hears the Future, Some Rights Reserved” … praises Gil for the alliance formed with Creative Commons in 2003, one of his first actions as Minister. “My personal view is that digital culture brings with it a new notion of intellectual property and that this culture of sharing should inform government policy.”

Among the main subjects of criticism of the current Culture regime is the charge that Anna serves the interests of ECAD, the Brazilian ASCAP-equivalent, rather than the public interest. But why is this policy — deemed purely symbolic even by many of its detractors — at the center of the debate? From the P2P Foundation blog on the topic,

For practical purposes this [policy shift] is fairly meaningless. But symbolically the act — for maximum effect timed to break at the Campus Party Brasil 2011 in Sao Paulo, one of the largest hacker events in Latin America, — cannot be taken other than as a thundering battle cry against free culture »

Among other critics, the P2P Foundation has run a colorful and venomous indictment of these policy shifts under the rubric of national pride and sovereignty, calling the Brazilian collaborators of the Berkman Center «fifth columnists» for tech and infotainment multinationals.

The hillarious twist of these … statements is that CC is a foreign organisation, funded by mega-corporations, the spearhead of Internet companies that don’t want to pay for copyrights, and that has FGV as its Fith Column inside Brazil whose Ronaldo Lemos is the legal project lead of CC-BR, out to annihilate Brazilian artists …

“It is absolutely shameful to accept that the content published on the site of a Brazilian government agency, maintained with public money, has to be “licensed” by an foreign entity, sponsored by mega-speculator George Soros (Open Society Foundation), the William & Flora Hewlett Foundation (Hewlett-Packard Company), the Rockefeller Foundation and also by Microsoft, Google, Sun Microsystems, Yahoo and other corporations of the same strain, assisted in Brazil by the globalized neoliberal FGV. … Congratulations to Mrs. Minister and Mrs. President of the Republic, for having restored the sovereignty of our cultural management, annulling the subservient measures taken by those who, while looking modern and libertarian, only intended to bend the spine to the interests of large corporations, seeking to monopolize culture.” (Venício Marco Andrade, conductor and composer)

(FGV’s partner in the Cultura Livre project is the Ford Foundation, which also funds the Observatório da Imprensa press watchdog Web site. Above, the project’s «network neighborhood» …)

And NB: Like it or not, arguments from «ufanismo» — patriot games — are often effective with certain influential audiences when it comes to culture and industry «Made in the USA».

In a nutshell, then, as far as I can figure, by arguing that cultural funders and entrepreneurs are free to negotiate licensing agreements under the basic law of contracts, Hollanda is accused of placing a finger on the scale of cultural production in favor of corporate multinational culture-industrial complexes.

(Software counts as cultural production, by the way; there seems to be little disagreement on that point.) On her watch, the ministry’s budget has been cut by 39%, blame for which has been laid at her doorstep as well — she is said to not play nice with legislators.

Inside the ministry, there seems to be something of a cold war between permanent civil servants and the current governming party.

The current director of digital culture policy @ culturadigital.br, for example, is the former Brazil editor of Global Voices Online, permanent civil servant José Murilo — who doubles as the editor of a Google group known as the Imaginary News and Nonsense Agency, and as the worldwide Web master of the Santo Daime ayahuasca cult.

This is one very odd fellow … even odder, perhaps, than myself, but then again, I do not function as a public policy point man liaising with the reality-based community. Murilo blogs at http://ecodigital.blogspot.com.br/

The Vargas Foundation Web site Cultura Livre hosts the following critique of the policy change retiring CC licensing from the Minstry’s content. «We express …

… our extreme discomfort with the changes in the field of cultural policies, annulling eight years of accumulated discussions and advancements that gave visibility and a role in dialogue to a Ministry that hitherto had been subordinate. Frustrating those who saw the symbolism of appointing the first woman to Minister of Culture of Brazil as a victory, this administration quickly undertook to deconstruct not only the achievements of the previous administration, but especially the original, rich and productive environment of debate that had been established.»

Well, I have made an attempt to collect notes and try to answer my own questions — or at least, to frame them more precisely. That will have to do for now. What is the takeaway?

Luis Nassif has collected statements from artists in support of Minister Ana.

It is utterly shameful to accept that content published on the Web site of a Brazilian government agency, supported with taxpayer funds, should be «licensed» by a foreign body sponosred by George Soros, the Hewlett Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, and by Microsoft, Google, Sun, Yahoo and other corporations of that kind, represented by Brazilian acolytes such as the Vargas Foundation.

João Bosco Rabelo of the conservative Estado de S. Paulo issued this analysis in defense of Ana de Hollanda, sister of Dylanesque sacred monster Chico Buarque de Hollanda, both offspring of the sociologist Sérgio Buarque de Hollanda.

Hollanda withdrew the CC logo from the ministry’s Web site.

This led a network of bloggers and columnists to shower her with a campaign of criticisms aimede at her ouster.

The list of critics includes influential members of the Workers Party such as Zé Dirceu, opening a barrage of friendly fire.

Days later it was the turn of Emir Sader, who called the minster «autistic».

These critics call for Ana’s head for having resisted the relativization of authorial rights.

The real question, however, is what is to justifiy the interference of the state in private commercial relationships.

Even if it were the duty of the state so to intervene — which it is clearly not — the adoption of a private initiative like the CC by a government agency would require a public, competitive bidding process.

The most fiery charges involve alleged back-peddling to assign the enforcement of copyrights to a public agency rather than leaving them to the private-sector ASCAP equivalent, ECAD, which is described as arbitrary and corrupt.

My gut feeling, for what it is worth, is that current policy reflects a sort of hybrid market-focused solution — creating incentives for cultural consumption, such as subsidizing popular cinemas, that will drive demand for domestic production and create a genuinely independent culture industry.

We are talking about a country with two-thirds the population of the U.S. where wildly successful movie releases mobilize low hundreds of thousands of moviegoers.

This is quite a shock for an L.A. suburban boy who grew up a block from the good old Rialto — later a Landmark art house with new triple bills practically every day.

Just ask our friends Gigi and Sandra Lee, who sometimes spend far more time negotiating state bureaucracy than on molding their wildly successful, life-size three-dimensional character studies — lately they have taken to using the latex used to produce baby-bottle nipples — of Sambodian street-corner society.

For further reading: Spanish-language «copyleft» promotion entities.

Spanish Influenza | The Indian Gifts of Uncle Sam

Viomundo (Brazil) cites recent Wikileaks- and FOIA-based revelations about the influence of U.S. government and private sector support for foreign journalists and news and opinion outlets — in this case, for Venezuelan journalists and publications identified as opponents of Uncle Hugo.

The documents …set forth some US$ 4 million in financing of Venezuelan journalists and media outlets in recent years.

The funds were channeled directly from the State Department through three U.S. public entities: the Panamerican Development Fund, Freedom House and USAID.

In a crude attempt to cover up its activity, State censored the names of most of the organizations and journalists receiving this million-dollar funding. However, a document dated from July 2008 omitted censorship of two of the main groups receiving funding in Venezuela: Espacio Público and the Press and Society Institute — in Spanish, the IPYS.

This is just the sort of story that might be illustrated usefully by analyzing the «link ecology» of such networked collaborations, referencing the ECOLEAD scheme developed by the EU for this type of organization — the CNO, for Collaborative Networked Organization.

The diagram that heads this note, for example, depicts avenues of inflows and outflows — influence and effluence — among loosely joined organizational components.

An egocentric view of the IPYS network reflects a digital distribution mechanism with flows among international bodies — WAN-IFRA — as well as national and local, and management and labor.

Virtual organizations are assembled from interoperable components provided by pools of financial, technical and rhetorical resources.

A regional alliance of press associations, for example, may rely on IFEX, Article 19 or the Chapultepec Declaration in framing the argument in cases specific to its regional concerns, while on another plane such organizations may be mounted and multiplied quickly using pools of technical means — NGO and think-tank toolkits, for example.

Channels are multiplied in violation of the usual logical principle — entia non multiplicanda. The apparent wealth of apparently independent sources for specific cases of advogacy follows the Devil and his dictionary — «My name is Legion».

Digital strategies in a box include the USHAHIDI kit, promoted by American diplomacy and foreign trade evangelism and used for sites such as the PADF. Whether the partial anagram with «USAID» was intentional we shall have to ask the brains behind the non-profit currently in charge of the project.

I HUSH AID

hUh, i SAID

ABRAJI | Upcoming Events

ABRAJI | Associação Brasileira de Jornalismo Investigativo announces its 7th annual investigative journalism conference, to be held for the fourth consecutive year in partnership with the privately owned university Anhembi-Morumbi … a Sylvan Laureate–Laureate International enterprise.

Anhembi is observed as being consistently active in youth marketing in partnership with Sambodia City Hall and the Alliance of Youth Movements.

ABRAJI recently mounted a tribute to murdered Globo journalist Tim Lopes — oddly, held at the Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing | ESPM.

The upcoming conference runs from July 12 to July 14 and costs more than this freelance epistemologist is able or willing to invest at this point.

Speaking on the risks of war correspondence: Frank Smyth.