Odebrecht | Risks and Riches

Maracanã undergoes reconstruction

Maracanã undergoes reconstruction

2013 has so far been a time of trials for the Brazillionaire, a caste that has benefited significantly in recent years from the Lula government’s ambition to breed and incubate Brazilian multinationals with acquisitive power — think of JBS-Friboi’s takeover of the venerable Swift & Co.

The most visible sign of decline has been the performance of companies in the Eike Batista group, whose OGX petroleum subsidiary leads losses recently in the BM&FBovespa and is reportedly seeking outside and foreign investment.

Via Brasil 24/7.

With close ties to PT, Odebrecht carries $R 62 billion in debt

The Odebrecht group, which operates in the petrochemical and biofuels markets, produces nuclear submarines, participates in the management of the Maracanã football stadium and is one of the companies benefiting most from the amended Port Law, has run up debts equivalent to 3.5 times its net assets of R$ 17 billion.

(more…)

«Lula: Scumbag In Chief»

 

Lula the Nine-Fingered

Lula the Nine-Fingered

Via Viomundo: «Senator Calls Lula Brazil’s Leading Scumbag in Convention Speech»

The opposition PSDB is holding its leadership convention this week and seems determined to pursue a rhetoric of hate-mongering that has not served it well in the past.

Goias governor calls Lula “the biggest scumbag in Brazil.”

The comparable term in Portuguese is «canalha», variously translated as «douche bag, » «dirt bag,», «scumbag», «miscreant» and «fucker.»

Goiás governor Marconi Perillo (PSDB) recently referred to former president Lula Lula da Silva (PT) as a “scumbag” in remarks on the “monthly payola” case during the PSDB party convention that confirmed Senator Aécio Neves (MG) as party leader. “Never before in the history of this country has it been so difficult to mount an opposition to the biggest scumbag in this country,”  Perillo stated in his speech

Perillo used the term several times, stating that he had warned Lula of the scheme of monthly payments to lawmakers in exchange for support in the Congress. “One day I got up the courage to alert this scumbag to the fact that his government was making monthly payoffs to congressional deputies. Since that day I have joined Artur Virgílio, José Agripino, and Tarso Genro among his major detractors.”

The governor highlighted his “solidarity” with Aécio Neves in the 2014 campaign and called for party unity. “We are going to prove to Brazil that we are capable, that we are competent, that we are public-minded, that we know how to manage public funds and assets.”

Support

Another sign that the PSDB has not learned the lesson of its «moral panic» marketing — «we are virgins and our enemies, painted harlots» — is Pirillo’s own political biography, which includes solid evidence of close ties to the numbers racketeer Carlinhos Charlie Waterfall Cachoeira and to Senator Demostenes Torres, who resigned from office when ties of his own were discovered with Cachoeira.

In a speech criticizing the government, the leader of the Democratas, Senator José Agripino (RN), praised the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso said that the PT had “shown its claws” when it arrived in power.  “While we did what we always do, they led Brazil into the future. When they occupied their seat and showed their claws, they befouled themselves in a monthly payola scheme, a corrupt scheme that Brazil now rejects.” During his speech to the convention, Agripino said he felt at home in supporting the PSDB. The senator critiqued the 10 years of the PT in the federal government. “In their incompetence, they brought inflation back and traded cheap foreign debt for R$ 2 trillion in internal debt.

The president of the  PPS, federal deputy Roberto Freire (SP), insisted on his party’s support for the “Toucan” Aécio Neves. “We are able to stand with Aécio, we were with him in Minas and will be again in 2014, without a doubt.” Freire said he expects “difficult times” during the campaign, pointing to the presidency’s attempt to impose a bill in the Congres that would asphyxiate new political parties, restricting their TV time and their access to the Party Fund.  “We will encounter difficult times going up against a government that, because it lacks respect for freedom, will use means to win the election using marked cards.” Freire also stressed the urgency of working in opposition to the PT government. “I believe it is of the upmost inportance for Brasil not just to call ourselves parties of the left, but to be parties of a democratic republican left.  This is the challenge before the PSDB, to confront those who do no respect democracy and republican institutions.

Decentering São Paulo: The Prefeitura’s Master Plan

arcohaddad

São Paulo’s new mayor has a plan for the Augean Stables of one of the world’s most automobilistic sprawls.

Source: Brasilianas.Org.

By: Wanderley Preite Sobrinho
Translation: C. Brayton

SÃO PAULO — With its Arch of the Future and “urban corridor” plans, the city government intends to revise the Strategic Master Plan by increasing the supply of jobs on the periphery of the city without having to restrict the circulation of automobiles.

The administration of São Paulo mayor Haddad is betting all of its chips on revising the city’s Strategic Master Plan in order to reduce traffic congestion without the need to restrict traffic in the central districts, as it has since 1997 with the rodizio, the  once-a-week rotating restriction of automobiles based on license-plate numbers.

In this way, the city will also have no need to challenge the federal government’s industrial incentives program, responsible for an increase in the purchase of personal automobiles — the principal villain of traffic congestion in the city.

The city government’s strategy is to use the Master Plan to realize one of the principal promises of mayoral candidate Fernando Haddad (PT): the Arc of the Future, whose aim is to reduce the circulation of vehicles in the expanded urban center by urbanizing and attracting jobs to the periphery, where most of the city’s population lives.

(more…)

Rio | Beginning of the End for Black Market Taxes?

Judicial Police in action against militia members

Judicial Police in action against militia members, November 2009

G1 reports on the sensational feat  of locking up dozens of military police for organizing themselves into what amount to militia groups — protection racketeering, mostly.

Agents from the Sub-Secretariat of Intelligence of the state security secretariat and the internal affairs agency of the military police, in coordination with GAECO, the state prosecutor’s special organized crime task force, last night began an operation designed to arrest a gang of criminals — most of the military police — who were extorting street merchants and informal van services in Bangu, in the Western Zone, and neighboring areas.

Of the 78 persons charged by the state prosecutor, 59 are policement: 53 from the military police and six from the state judicial police. The policemen involved worked out of different units: the 14 Miltary Police Battalion (BPM)(Bangu), the 9th BPM (Rocha Miranda), the 31st DP (Bangu) and officers assigned to the task force on crimes against intellectual property, designed to combat street vendors.

(more…)

Rio | The Return of the New Van Plan

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Black-market van stuffed with 10 armed, ninja-style black-clad corpses, December 2007, Rio de Janeiro

Source: O Globo — Portal ClippingMP.
Translation: C. Brayton

A follow-up to Rio Has New Man With Plan for Van, from 2007.

That year, fierce feuds over turf and market share broke out among the militias and drug traffickers who shake down independent operators of vans and mototaxis for «tolls» and «insurance».

It makes you wonder: are such measures also aimed at undermining the economic base of the milícia — cohorts of current and ex-police who invade territory neglected by the state and impose a mafia-style discipline — in these areas.

Probably. Ferraz, the special secretary of supplementary public transportation, made his bones pursuing the militias of Rio. He is also the author of the novel that formed the basis of the film Tropa de Elite |  Elite Squad 2.  The official announcement, from December 2007:

On December 5. Rio de Janeiro mayor Eduardo Paes announced the creation of a special office of supplementary public transportation, led by state judicial police official Cláudio Ferraz, former commander of the anti-organized crime bureau that has pursued the militias of Rio.

The Ban on the Van (more…)

Eucatex | Twilight of the Maluf Family Empire?

eucastructure

If Mexico can finally imprison Elba Ester Gordillo, why shouldn’t the Brazilian finally bring down the notorious M.A.L.U.F?

The following excerpt is translated from the Estado de S. Paulo Portal ClippingMP. File it under «political grotesques».

SÃO PAULO – A São Paulo court has ordered the freezing of R$ 520 million from the Maluf family business Eucatex.

Or about US$ 260 million.  Eucatex, a eucalyptus grower, was founded by in 1951, thrived under the military dictatorship — which named Maluf mayor of the capital and later governor of São Paulo state. He is featured in a World Bank list of 150 notable corruption cases.

The measure was taken at the behest of the São Paulo state prosecutor’s office, which denounced insider transactions within the Eucatex group as part of a fraudulent effort to transfer Eucatex assets off the books and avoid payment of future court-ordered reimbursements as a result of various law suits against Maluf, accusing him of embezzling public funds while serving as mayor of São Paulo.

[The court] found that the prosecutor’s indictment demonstrates “the possibility of fraudulent reporting of assets” by Eucatex, but the ruling may be overturned if Eucatex can show that the penalty will drive the company into bankruptcy.

As the Folha de S.Paulo revealed in March, the prosecutor’s office believes that the family is trying to escape payment of court-ordered monetary awards by transferring assets to a newly founded member of the group, ECTX. Prosecutors see the transaction as fraudulent and believe its purpose is to “dehydrating” Eucatex of its assets.

Back in March, Eucatext VP José Antônio Goulart de Carvalho, denied the accusation. Goulart said the asset transfer to ECTX was undertaken because the new company would represent the vanguard of a new, more transparent governance model.

In July 2012, Eucatex transferred R$ 320 million of its assets to ECTX. In May and October, Eucatex released a Material Event statement to the market, saying it had initiated a “process of share reorganization” in order to transfer its assets.

ECTX, according to Goulart de Carvalho, is waiting for CVM authorization to launch an IPO in the capital markets.

Legal Troubles

Eucatex and the Maluf family are defendants in a case in which prosecutors have moved for the return of US$ 153 milhões that was supposedly stolen from the São Paulo city government, wired overseas and then funneled into Eucatex through various financial transactions.

There is also an open case on the Isle of Jersey involving the transfer of money by Maluf family members.

Overseas companies with ties to the Malufs have been ordered to reimburse US$ 28 million to the city of São Paulo, funds thought to be the fruit of fraudulent dealing involving the city government. These companies have appealed the decision.

In the present case, the Jersey court also ordered the freezing of Eucatex shares belonging to foreigners with ties to Maluf.

In a statement, Eucatex says it was not officially notified of the asset freeze involving R$ 520 million as ordered today by the São Paulo court.

There is another open case against Maluf, in fact, O Dia notes:

In the federal Supreme Court, Maluf and family were charged in 2011 on allegations of money laundering and using Eucatex to camouflage the misappropriation of public funds during Maluf’s term as mayor, from 1993 a 1996.

Maluf’s status as a sitting federal legislator entitles him to be tried by the Supreme Court.

Without Notice

In an official statement, the company says the motion to block its accounts has already been applied for by the prosecutor in 2009, and the application failed both in the first instance and on appeal.

According to Eucatex, the accusation is groundless given that the company’s net assets increased after the cretion of ECTX, from R$ 997 million in 2011 to R$ 1.1 billion at year’s end 2012.

“It should be recalled that Eucatex is a publicly traded corporation, with hundreds of shareholders, among them the federal legislator Paulo Maluf, who is not an executive of the company or even a member of  the board of directors,” the company added.

True: it is currently led by Maluf’s son Flávio. Interpol has an open arrest order on Flávio, from what I read. Otávio Maluf is chairman of the board.

The creation of ECTX was part of a general restructuring of the company with the goal of qualifying for the Novo Mercado listing segment of the São Paulo Stock Exchange, reserved for companies with superior governance standards and practices. The new company has been waiting since December for the CVM to rule on its registration as a publicly traded company.

Rio | Batman Returns

20061212-carro230

Parapolitics: City council candidate displays Batman militia symbol

I read it in the Folha de S.Paulo. Partial translation: C. Brayton

Every Friday night, two motorcycles with no license plates cruise the streets of Guaratiba in the Western Zone of Rio de Janeiro, demanding money from local business owners.

On the weekends least five different locations inside the community, with its population of 110,000, host funk dances overflowing with drugs and booze.

Electronic slot machines are stashed away in warehouses or the false bathrooms of bars so that residents can play while drinking the one brand of beer that is “authorized.”

Local residents avoid talking about the situation and business owners are afraid.

And yet it it is precisely this area the Archdiocese of Rio de Janeiro has scheduled to receive 2 million persons during a July 28 visit from the pope. It is here that Francisco will celebrate his first mass in Brazil, marking a high point of World Youth Day.

Guaratiba is dominated by the largest militia group in Rio, which controls another five neighborhoods in the region as well. Militia members, for example, set opening and closing times for local business.

ON the arrest of the faction leader: «Batman, you lose! »

ON the arrest of the faction leader: «Batman, you lose! »

(more…)

Militia in the Volta Redonda

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Source: Diário do Vale, a regional newspaper for a portion of the Vale do Paraíba.

On the occasion of his swearing in, the newly appointed federal police official for Volta Redonda, Elias Escobar, promised to combat the militia in the region.

Escobar said that criminal organizations composed of bad cops are to be found everywhere in Rio de Janeiro state, and that they  tend to engage in such black-market businesses as illegal gambling and pirate Internet access and cable TV.

— I am going after the militias. We fear no one and we will spare no one. Although these groups operate discreetly, I believe their crimes are worse than those of common criminals, because these are groups of men with law enforcement credentials and a state-issued weapon. These are to be used to defend citizens, but somewhere along the line these cops went bad,” said Escobar.

Escobar added that Macaé, where he worked before this reassignment, was already taking action against militia organizations.

— We conducted Operation Roubo S.A in 2009 and arrested 32 policemen — he said. Roubo S.A. was carried out in September 2009 and sought to combat bank robberies and load jacking.

This action received zero googleable search results and only a desultory mention on the public affairs site of the DPF.

Along with the militias, Escobar, 56, with 17 years in the service of the PF, intends to go after financial crimes such as embezzling federal funds from the budgets of federal aid recipients, as well as to crack down on the market for drugs and weapons. To this end, Escobar says he will work jointly with other institutions.

— We will work more closely with the judiciary and the public prosecutor, and we will avail ourselves of synergies with other law enforcement agencies, such as the military and state judicial police, the Municipal Guard, the Federal Highway Patrol, and municipal secretaries of public safety and order,” he said..

Objectives

Escobar says he means to procure more human resources, mostly in the area of intelligence. The Volta Redonda office currently houses 20 federal police agents.

Escobar also says he intends to raise funds to erect a new building for the office. The feds currently occupy a rented building, but the land needed to build the force a headquarters of its own has already been acquired.

The superintendent of the Polícia Federal in Rio de Janeiro state, Valdir Lemos, says that personnel transfers within the organization are common.

— Our goal is to give the office a thorough airing out. Escobar, born here in the Sul Fluminense and knowledgeable about the region, is being moved out of Macaé to replace Carla de Melo Dolinski in Volta Redonda. Our objective is to assure the continuity of our case work,”  Lemos said.

In October of last year — election season — Rio governor Cabral warned of the expansion of militia groups outside their traditional -quasi urban milieux .

 Sérgio Cabral (PMDB) said he was extremely concerned about the runoff round in Rio, which takes place on Sunday.  Cabral says that persons from the  Baixada Fluminense, with ties to militia groups, are coming to the city to work as canvassers.

Cabral said he had already alerted the state secretary of public safety to what was going on. Cabral’s remarks came during a visit to Volta Redonda, accompanied by  federal vice-president Temer and Rio mayor Eduardo Paes. All three announced their support for the reelections of mayor Antônio Francisco Neto (PMDB).

— I am very concerned. One hand I have support of Neto, Temer, president Dilma, ex-president Lula. On the other hand, ex-governor Anthony Garotinho is running for mayor after making a hash out of his time in lower house of congress, despite his complete lack of skills for such a job.

Garotinho is bringing in people from Baixada Fluminense to serve as whips and canvassers. These are professionals at what they do, and include persons with militia involvement.

During the election, the election authority ordered law enforcement to be vigilant for signs of illegal conduct.  The item dates from July 17, 2012.

Security is being tightened for the elections so that candidates that are not well regard [sic] by paramilitary groups will not be prevented from campaigning in certain areas of the city. .

Another objective is to prevent attacks on candidates like state deputy and would-mayor Marcelo Freixo (PSOL). Freixo presided over the state legislative commission of inquiry into the militia phenomenon and inspired the character of an engaged  politician  in the film “Elite Squad II.”

The order was ratified in a meeting between justices of the elections tribunal and representatives of federal police forces, the Army, the elections prosecutor and the state public safety secretary.

Volta Redonda is a crossroads city, connecting Sampa to Rio along the Vale de Paraíba, among other connections.

 

Vatican.va(cant) | What Next?

thewayescriva

Who is Who in the Papal Succession?

By: Gilberto Nascimento, Viomundo
Translation: C. Brayton

The German cardinal Joseph Ratzinger earned the nickname”the Rottweiler of the Pope”during the 1980s and 1990s. At the time, he presided over the all-powerful Congregatio pro Doctrina Fidei, formerly known as the Holy Inquisition. An influential advisor to John Paul II — whom he would later succeed, in 2005 — Ratzinger was a fierce defender of episcopal power and a  return to orthodoxy.

Ratzinger mobilized his forces against liberation theology, playing a role in the decimation of a Catholic Church dedicated to the poor, based on Vatican Council II (1962-1965) and principally applied  in Latin America. Ratzinger served as symbolic executioner of the Brazilian Leonardo Boff, a former student of his, on whom Ratzinger imposed “obedient silence” in 1985.

As pontiff of the Holy See, Benedict XVI has surrounded himself with conservative cardinals, reinforcing a line of action inherited from the papacy of John Paul II. He has also empowered Catholic movements of an authoritarian and ultraconservative bent.

Infiltrating the fabric of the Roman Curia, these groups launched a fierce dispute for power and control. A number of Vatican officials were accused of financial wrongdoing and other scandals, such as pedophilia among the priesthood.

Unable to control this situation, Benedict XVI — on the eve of his resignation — discovered too late that it is not possible to govern alone. In the midst of so much intrigue, vanity and ambition, he lost his power to command. He found himself with no loyal soldiers to carry out his orders.

Papal nominations that failed to follow common practice also provoked a strong response. The recruitment of former collaborators for key posts under Benedict XVI ran counter to deeply rooted special interests inside the Church.

Before the 1990s, for example, the divide within the Church was conceptualized as a struggle between so-called converatives and progressives. In the present, Benedict has been sabotaged by members of right-wing groups whom he has angered.

After announcing his resignation, the Pope spoke out against “divisions in the body of the Church” that “distort the true face of the Church.” He denounced “religious hypocrisy” and the vanity of those who revel in public exposure, seeking “applause and approval.”

Benedict XVI did not, however, identify what he meant by these “hypocrites” who lust shamelessly for power inside the Holy See.

Key participants in these power plays, however, are powerful conservative movements such as Opus Dei, deemed a veritable “Army of the Pope.”

Another high-profile group is the Communion and Liberation Movement, whose members came to be known as “the Stalinists of God” and “the Rambos of the Pope.” During the papacy of John Paulo II they were known as “Wojtyla’s monks.”

Opus Dei and Communion & Liberation are the two most powerful forces in the present-day Catholic church. Other conservative movements are on the rise as well, such as Focolares, Neocatecumenals, and the Legionaries of Christ

Opus Dei, founded in 1928 in Spain by the priest Josemaria Escrivá — canonized in 2002 —  grew in power during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco, from 1936 to 1975. Today, Opus Dei is present in 90 countries, with some 89,000 followers worldwide.

Its mission, according to leadership, is to disseminate the Christian way of life.

Certain practices attributed to its followers are criticized, such as the supposed practice of auto-flagellation. Followers are obliged to reveal their innermost thoughts to their superiors.

A significant number of Opus Dei adherents occupy positions of social leadership and popularity. The organization includes 2,000 priests, along with cardinals and bishops. Opus maintains centers of higher education such as the University of Navarra (Spain), a seminary in Rome, 600 high schools and 17 business management post-graduate programs.

Among these academic programs, the Masters em Jornalismo program — now affiliated with IICS. the International Institute of Social Sciences– and the transnational networked IESE.

Opus and Navarra were also early users and developers of new media as a strategy for propagating Catholic precepts in a world without frontiers. The pioneering and highly influential Innovation Mediaconsulting, for example  is the brainchild of Navarra professor Juan Antonio Giner, among others. ECuaderno, the personal-professional blog of Navarra professor J.L. Orihuela since at least 1998, is a good example of the movement’s networking style.

successorsecuado

The business education arm of the order is the IESE Business School, which has a campus in Brasília and plans to offer courses in — among other subjects — media management to 500 students per year. Prominent Brazilians with ties to Opus Dei include legal scholar Ives Gandra Martins and communications professor Carlos Alberto Di Franco among others.

Di Franco consults with a number of major media groups — the NY Times, for one — and runs a journalism-slash-public-relations course, the Masters [sic] in Jornalismo. Any number of local journalists have earned their M.A. there, including a good chunk of the staff at O Estado de S. Paulo.

São Paulo governor Geraldo Alckmin once revealed in an interview that Josemaria Escrivá’s “The Path“was on his bedside table. He says he admires the ideas of the Spanish priest, but denies being a member of Opus Dei.

In a surprising interview during the 2006 campaign, di Franco claimed to be Alckmin’s supernumerary, or spiritual adviser.

Present in 80 countries with 200,000 members worldwide,, Communion & Liberation has in the Cardinal of Milan, Angelo Schola,  its most distinguished exponent.

Scola has close ties to Benedict XVI. Communion & Liberation was founded in 1954 by the Italian monsignor Luigi Giussani and is led today by the Spaniard Julián Carrón. The group’s members view culture as “a key to the reading of history.” Social conflicts, in their view, should be analyzed in terms of culture and not in terms of class struggle or economic doctrine.

Founded in 1943, in Italy, by Chiara Lubich, the Focolares movement today has 100,000 members. One of its most principal adepts is the Brazilian cardinal João Braz de Avis, prefect pf  the Congregation for Institutes of Consecrated Lofe and Societies of Apostolic Life.

Braz de Avis is much discussed as a potential successor to Benedict. A former Archbishop of Brasília, Avis is also a member of the Pontifical Committee for International Eucharistic Congresses.

The Focolares movement is considered “an association of private, lay individuals whose  practicioners say they are “consecreted by poverty, chastity and obedience.”.

With a presence in 15,000 communities and 105 nations, and a membership of a million persons, the Neocatecumenal movement emerged from Madrid, during the 1960s. It was created by the Spanish painter Francisco Argüello. Its object was to help parishioners evangelize the faith in societies becoming less and less oriented by Christian values.

Another religious tendency is the Legionaries of Christ, founded in Mexico City in 1941. Its founder, the Mexican priest Marcial Maciel, was accused of sexually abusing underage seminary students.

After a special commission, nominated by Benedict XVI, was sent to look into the charges, the Holy See intervened in the organization.

Entangled in so many webs of competing interests and visions, the Roman Curia could only watch as conflicts grew. In the search for power, religious offices are hotly disputed..

When the Pope names a representative of one group to an important post, he displeases others. Tensions were high, for example, after such nominations as Ettore Gotti Tedeschi, an Opus Dei adept, to the Institute for Religious Works (IOR), known as the Vatican Bank. Tedeschi took over in 2009 and was fired last year for mismanagement.

A personal friend of the Pope, Tedeschi may have been the victim of a plot on the part of bank board members in order to undermine him. Behind this apparent campaign was Cardinal Tarcísio Bertone, the Vatican Secretary of State, according to documents made public during the so-called Vatileaks scandal. The bank is charged with receiving funds from dubious sources.

The nomination of Bertone as Secretary of State may also have angered some. The reason for this dissatisfaction is that Bertone is not a career diplomat, whereas Papal tradition is to elevate a career diplomat to the post. A former secretary to Ratzinger in Congregatio pro Doctrina Fidei, Bertone is a Salesian.

Benedict VXI also dismissed Vatican spokesperson Joaquim Navarro Valls, an Opus Dei follower who was quite close to John Paul II. Valls has occupied the post for 22 years and was replaced by Jesuit father Federico Lombardi.

Also raising eyebrows was the 2011 transfer of Cardinal Angelo Scola, primate of Venice and holder of various offices inside the Roman Curia, to the Archbishop of Molin.

Scola, a member of Communion and Liberation, is pointed to as one of the favorites to succeed Benedict XVI. His transfer to Milan may indicate that he is Pope’s own preference as a successor, sources inside the Vatican say. The Pope also transfered a Brazilian bishop Filipo Santoro, from Petrópolis to a diocese in Italy so that he can participate more directly in the Communion and Liberation movement.

A former aide to the National Council of Brazilian Bishops (CNBB) and a Vatican scholar, father Manoel Godoy, currently executive director of the Saint Thomas Aquinas Institute in Belo Horizonte, warns that the next pope will have to bring about major changes if he is not to be held hostage to current power structures. According to Godoy, emeritus cardinals who remain at the Holy See are forming conspiratorial groups with the aim of destabilizing the papacy. “The retired cardinals are still present. They have plenty of time on their hands in order to elaborate plots and plans and will not allow the Pope to govern.

Some of these emeritus archbishops such as the two Italians — Angelo Sodano, Dean of the College of Cardinals, and Giovanni Batista Ré — the Slovak, Josef Tomko and the Colombian Dario Castrillón Hoios, are said to be sympathetic to the interests of Opus Dei.

Truth Commission SP | Who the Hell Was Halliwell?

MPF responsabiliza ex-chefes do Doi-Codi por torturas, mortes e desaparecimentos

I read it in the Estadão.

Ongoing work by federal and state truth commissions related to the military dictatorship of 1964-1985 has turned up the log entries of persons entering and exiting the notorious torture facilities of São Paulo — among them a U.S. diplomat who was a frequent visitor.

U.S. citizen  Claris Halliwell, identified as a regular visitor to S. Paulo’s Department of Social and Political Order — DOPS — during the military dictatorship, was a diplomat working out of the São Paulo consulate as a political attaché.

According to a telegram dispatched in 1973 by the U.S. Embassy to the Department of State, he began to receive threats because of his activities.

The name Halliwell came to light after  a series of  log books or sign-in registers were found in the archives of the defunct department — one of the most significant centers of political repression in Brazil during the 1970s.

A state-sponsored study of these records showed Halliwell spending time at the DOPS building between April 1971 and November 1973. Identifying himself as a “consul,” in 1971 he visited the site twice a month, on average, meeting directly with frontline agents of the political repression, many of them accused of torturing political prisoners.

Contacted for comment by the Estado, representatives of the Consulate São Paulo said they could not confirm Halliwell’s stay in São Paulo because they did not keep records from that far back in time. They might be found, however, in the U.S. National Archive.

But it will not be easy. A preliminary search turns up only a declassified exchange of messages between Brazil and State, detailing the threatening calls targeting Halliwell.

THERE IS A POSSIBILITY THAT THIS INCIDENT MAY BE LINKED TO THE FIRE BOMBING INCIDENT AT THE HOME OF CONSUL JAMES W. LAWLER ON MAY 18, 1973, OR TO A SERIES OF HARRASSMENT CALLS RECEIVED IN JUNE

deopslookup

Still, there are a substantial number of results from the 1970s on the keyword “DEOPS.” Download for later reading.

Vi O Mundo provides more detail — although I think is no correct to call Halliwell a «consul». He was one of those attaché sorts of people.  (more…)

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