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Hobbesian Rio de Janeiro: Will Former Top Cop Get the Chopp? Will Batman Remain In the Can?

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Chefe da policia
Pelo telefone
Manda me avisar
Que na Carioca
Há uma roleta
Para se jogar

Conselho de Ética da Alerj pede cassação de deputado estadual Álvaro Lins: The ethics commission of the Rio state legislative assembly recommends the expulsion of former state police chief Álvaro Lins, accused of putting the fix in for the gambling rackets, being mixed up in paramilitary activities, engaging in “vote Quimby or I will blow your head off” electioneering, and such like.

Once expelled, the gentleman will lose what is effectively parliamentary immunity and be subject to common justice.

See also

On the same day, the house judiciary committee-equivalent voted on a resolution upholding the arrest of the leader of the Justice League, a diversified outcropping of paramilitary-entrepreneurial warlordism in the Western Zone of the city.

Lins, who is a member of the commission, voted to release Natalino Guimarães, a central figure in the “Justice League” case, accused of having another former top Rio cop (and militia leader, and participant in the gambling rackets Lins was allegedly putting the fix in for). See

The Rio and national press (which overlap a bit too much, actually) are highly engaged in this and related stories, in comparison with past significant silence about it.

This brief report is from the Agência Brasil.

Rio de Janeiro – O Conselho de Ética da Assembléia Legislativa do Rio de Janeiro (Alerj) decidiu hoje (5) aprovar, por unanimidade, o relatório que pede a cassação do ex-chefe da Polícia Civil fluminense e deputado estadual Álvaro Lins (PMDB). Lins foi preso em flagrante pela Polícia Federal em maio deste ano, acusado de lavagem de dinheiro, corrupção e formação de quadrilha.

… today unanimously approved a report recommending the expulsion of former state police chief and state deputy Álvaro Lins. Lins was arrested in flagrante by the federal police in May of this year on charges of money laundering, corruption, and racketeering.

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“Cronies of the alliance are mired in sh**!” A Press Freedom Debate From the Brazilian Deep South

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Impacto statement on the ruling: "Which is more shocking to the reading public? The word 'shit' or the corruption prevailing at City Hall?"

With municipal election campaigns getting underway, it is political silly season in Brazil.

Comunique-se reports on a frequent manifestation: conflicts between regulations on campaign communications and the freedom, or lack thereof, of a press that is often, implicitly or explicitly, subject to internal or external political control.

A Associação Nacional de Jornais (ANJ), por meio de nota, condenou a decisão do juiz Henrique Martins Portelinha, da Justiça Eleitoral de Santa Catarina, que determinou o recolhimento de todos os exemplares de uma edição do semanário Impacto, ferindo, de acordo com o comunicado, a liberdade de imprensa.

The Brazilian National Newspaper Association (ANJ), in a press release, condemned the decision by Judge Martins Portelinha of the Santa Catarina elections tribunal to order the collection of all copies of an edition of the Impacto weekly, a decision the association characterized as an assault on freedom of the press.

A decisão foi tomada na última quinta-feira (31/07) a pedido do atual prefeito e candidato à reeleição, Dário Berger. O processo se baseou na manchete estampada na primeira página do jornal com o título de “Companheiros da aliança estão cada vez mais atolados na m…!”. O veículo também publicou uma charge do candidato dizendo: “Companheiro, nós dois vamos nos afogar na m…”.

The decision was handed down on July 31 at the request of incumbent mayor and candidate for reelection Dário Berger [the ex-PFL mayor of the really, really lovely island resort city of Florianópolis]. The case arose from a front-page headline in the newspaper which read “Cronies of the alliance are increasingly mired in sh**!” The publication also published a cartoon showing the candidate saying: “Buddy, we are going to drown in the sh**!”

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Editora Abril: Building the Chinese Wall?

Veja’s Diogo Mainardi on Globo’s late-night Letterman clone (the Jô Xô) repeats the unsubstantiated rumor that senior government officials have bribe-stuffed offshore bank accounts — defending the exercise in logic-chopping gibberish with a gibbering tautology.

The Brazilian journalist does not feel free to write. More than just having to follow the editorial line of the publications they work for, the complaints principally have to do with coercion by political or business groups. –“A Profile of the Brazilian Journalist”

Comunique-se. O portal da comunicação reports on management changes at the Editora Abril, publisher of Veja magazine — a jaw-dropping example of the New Lacerdist yellow press at its most vicious and venial.

The most striking of these is that journalist training will now be handled by the publisher’s Editorial division rather than its Corporate division.

Implying that prior to this, journalists were trained by Corporate rather than Editorial.

I imagine there is an Abril flack somewhere right now drawing up a press release that touts this reorganization as an example of the publisher’s commitment to “innovation.”

Previously, Abril’s top lobbyist and ad sales exec was also in charge of its journalist training — which strikes one as precisely the opposite of the traditional “Chinese wall” between the business and editorial sides that all of us are so nostalgic for these days.

Abril announced a new corporate code of conduct recently in which it announced that limits on gifts to journalists and other personnel — the infamous jabaculê — would be limited to R$100. Not clearly whether that means per day, per hour, per contact, what.

Standard value of gifts journalists may accept at most global publishing firms: R$0, which at current exchange rates equals US$0 and zero Japanese yen. Also zero UAE dinars. And so on. See

A editora Abril começa o mês de agosto com uma série de mudanças no comando da empresa. Alfredo Ogawa, que ocupava a direção do Núcleo Esporte Motor, assume a Diretoria de Serviços Editoriais, que vinha sendo acumulada pelo vice-presidente de Relações Institucionais, Sidnei Basile.

Editora Abril began August with a series of changes in top management. Alfredo Ogawa, who formerly headed the Motor Sports group, will take over as director of Editorial Services, previously occupied by Sidnei Basile, who simultaneously served as group VP of institutional relations.

Na nova função, que passa do Corporativo para a Editora, Ogawa será responsável pelas gerências de Apoio Editorial, Dedoc, Diretoria de Arte e Editoria de infografia, além do Treinamento Editorial, que será comandada por Edward Pimenta, que já era, no Corporativo, responsável pelo Curso Abril de Jornalismo e outras ações de treinamento.

In the new post, which will be reassigned [from Corporate to Editorial], Ogawa will be responsible for managing Editorial Support, Dedoc, Art Direction and Infographics, as well as Editorial Training, the latter to be managed by Edward Pimenta, former manager of the Abril Journalism Course and other training activities on the corporate side.

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“Dantas x Lemman: Brazilian Capitalism Then and Now”

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Daniel Valente Dantas. Graphic: Veja magazine, May 2006, when it reported: “Daniel Dantas has a list that may show illegal offshore bank accounts controlled by the president and party bigwigs.” Veja had plenty of evidence that “almost certainly does not” was the word to use instead of “may.” Ecce Veja.

Dantas is the past and Lemman is the future of Tupi capitalism: Just about every single Brazilian business publication has published a version of this editorial now, including the IstoÉ Dinheiro editorial translated here, a similar editorial in Exame, and an editorial to this effect by Elio Gaspari, cited by Globo’s (slick but generally useless, or sometimes worse) Época Negócios.

Daniel Dantas was the latest manifestation of an outworn model of Brazilian capitalism, as intimate with the State as it was tangled up in political interests. In the face of this failed model, eager to privatize strategic sectors and dependent on massive investments, and foreign investment in particular, Dantas presented himself as a fixer, able to bridge the old and the new without the need for major ruptures. He was the face of the Cardoso years, of what came to be called conservative modernization.

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