Source: Os Amigos do Presidente Lula.
It took Globo 49 years to publish an editorial [that echos our protest chant],
“The truth is harsh! Globo supported the dictatorship”
Yes, O Globo said this, announcing explicitly that the outcry of the protestors is a matter of historical fact.
In doing so, it tried to divide the blame with the usual suspects: “The Folha and Estado did the same as we did.”
Finally, after wasting a lot of breath trying to justify the context of its support for the generals, it admitted it had made a mistake of historic proportions.
This in an editorial that gives one very little sense of a sincere apology. It comes 49 years after the coup, 28 years after redemocratization and only when demonstrators showed up at its doorstep.
In Friday’s protest in São Paulo, young demonstrators threw horse droppings at the front door and the sign bearing the name Rede Globo. In Rio, they threw trash, saying they were returning the garbage that Globo doles out to the Brazilian people.
If Globo expects this editorial, which is not very convincing, to improve its public image, I believe it is very mistaken.
To those who already have a negative view of Globo, this mea culpa comes at a moment in which public opinion is turning against it. Its tone is that of a master opportunist, a coward and a shameless crook.
As to the reactionaries who read O Globo — the fans of Alexandre Garcia — they will now view the paper as a traitor, a loser, a turncoat, a shameless coward. Result: the paper gains no new subscribers to replace the old ones.
But Globo likely knows this already, and finds itself in a bind, with no way out. How can you argue with the facts? How do you shout down the voices in the streets who insist on a historic fact? The only way was to admit it.
Another calculated maneuver by Globo might be to use its TV and print media to call the attention of protestors to to the print edition, diverting attention from other issues, of which there are many.
The first is the R$ 615 million claim by the federal tax authority for tax evasion by TV Globo in the purchase of transmission rights to World Cup 2002 from FIFA using transactions in tax havens.
The case is so poorly explained, thus far, that no one knows whether Globo paid up or not. The broadcaster has issued evasive statements saying that it no longer carries this debt and that it has adhered to Refis.
It will not, however, reveal its DARF or answer when asked if some negotiation, prescription or pardon had been applied to this debt. Buy the people want to know.
Another issue is that the profession of faith in democracy, 49 years after the coup, is not consistent with the Globo standard of journalism, which protects some and persecutes others.
TV Globo, as a matter of ideology, criminalizes social movements and censors the demands of landless and homeless workers who benefit from the Bolsa Família social subsidy. It ignores slum dwellers, fires progressive journalists, and refuses to interview politicians and intellectuals who disagree with the privatizing policies of the PSDB, which Globo has always supported.
Globo news is distorted, partisan … protective of its friends in the PSDB and DEM-PFL … acting to downplay the bribery scandal in São Paulo even as it savagely attacks politicians and social movements that TV Globo considers its adversaries.
Another instance of Globo’s anti-democratic nature is its lobby in Congress, which bars any attempt to democratize social communications. The market is the private preserve of a handful of cartels and oligopolies.
This effect is beyond pernicious. As if it were not enough that Globo would favor politicians who support its interests, and attack its adversaries, there is also the fact that regional TV and radio stations affiliated with Globo belong to the archaic power structures of hereditary oligarchies who fill the seats in Congress.
This has been happening since the time of the dictatorship. And this “Globo back bench” is responsible for various political swindles.
There are other historic controversies, such as the murky relationship with football executives and with the bicho bankers [black market numbers racketeers] who patronize the Carnaval societies and consistently deliver exclusive rights to Globo.
Every year, during Carnaval, I find this fact strange. The virtual presence of LIESA, the independent league of escolas de samba, lives on a Globo server. City council members occasionally organize to investigate — there is a clause in the contract with the city forbidding exclusivity — but to little effect.
FIFA, LIESA, the bicho rackets,, the mayor of Rio, and Globo.
An explosive mixture?
In all, Globo owes the Brazilian people a much more thorough accounting from Rede Globo than the Rio daily is willing to give.
Filed under: Brazil