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Item: Fazendo Media

After a period in the limelight, where it was vaunted as the proper authority to quell violence in the Rio shantytowns, the Brazilian military has disappeared from the news flow for quite sometime as it appeared to be making the mistake of trying to repeat the «hearts and minds» strategy from Vietnam.

The result apparently has been the construction of a Potemkin Village.

A recent documentary details the day to day in the land that Time-Life  forgot.

It is being widely reported that Haiti has suffered greatly from disrespect for its sovereignty, a theme detailed in the documentary film Assistance Mortalle.

The film will screen « at the Bronx Community College’s Gould Memorial Library, on Friday, June 13th at 4 p.m. followed by a Q & A with [auteur] Raoul Peck.»

The reconstruction of a nation affected by a large earthquake in 2010, when more than 220,000 died and more than 1,500,000 were left without housing and other infrastructure — housing, productive reorganization and sanitation — seems far from completion.

But even before the catastrophe, the UN stabilization mission in Haiti, MINUSTAH, a joint effort by military troops and civilian contractors instituted in 2004, still symbolizes the loss of sovereignty of the loss of sovereignty of a nation considered “underdeveloped.”

The earthquake that  swept over the country opened a breach through which international aid could flow at will, ad infinitum. Managed by a council of international cooperation; planned directed by the U.S., France and Canada and supplied with most of its military support from  Brazil, this assistance program is being denounced as violating national sovereignty, which remains with severe problems years after the quake.

The official news are contradictory. As NGOs proclaim progress in humanitarian aid, social problems fester:  and cholera epidemics are viewws by local residents as having been brought to Haiti through Minustah.The area devastated by the quake has not been rebuilt, and few displaced persons have been housed. Foreign countries installed themselves under dubious pretexts, earning the hostility of the population. The alternative Haitian press reflects an unstable political scenario, with infighting in and among the political parties and the holding of fraudulent elections supported by great powers.

Those elections were as authentic as a Paraguayan Marlboro — not that Wikipedia look-ups will help you much in exploring  why and how.

Perhaps the most repulsive PR strategy employed by MINUSTAH psyops was spreading the viral rumor on election eve that Haitians leaving their homes to congregate with demonstrators  put them at risk of cholera.

The UN called for calm and urged candidates to call on their supporters not to instigate trouble. It also said that a deteriorating security situation could undermine containment of the cholera epidemic.

In Africa, throughout history the presence of outside interventions has followed the same model, interposing military action and humanitarian action. International cooperation is presented as the benevolent facet of a relationship of dependence, an important tool in legitimizing the presence of European, Asian, and North American nations, as well as “emerging” powers like China and Brazil, in nations classified as “underdeveloped” or “developing.”

Ao mesmo tempo, na África, ao longo da história, a presença de intervenções externas não é diferente, intercalando ações militares e de ação humanitária. A cooperação internacional se mostra como a faceta humanitária de uma relação de dependência, uma ferramenta importante na legitimação da presença dos países europeus, asiáticos e norte americanos, bem como a entrada dos “emergentes”, como o Brasil e a China, nos países chamados de “subdesenvolvidos”, “em desenvolvimento” ou do Sul.

Com isso, vemos que se existem formas explícitas de reforçar a necessidade de ingerência externa, há também sutilezas que demoramos a compreender. Parte essencial do jogo geopolítico, em que os países movem suas peças de uma maneira que parece muito benevolente aos olhos do mundo, a intervenção externa se materializa por uma série de redes que incluem governos e organizações da sociedade civil, com a presença significativa de agências da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e ONGs internacionais.