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«The Battle of Communication» | Dilma vs. the Monopolies, Round II

Interlocks in the Argentina media ecology. Read more about it.

Interlocks in the Argentina media ecology. I should read more about it.

The speech reflects a greater understanding of the urgency of “the battle for communication.” The problem is that the instruments available for this battle are limited.

Until very recently, Dilma herself avoided the controversies and the confrontations with the falsehoods and half-truths of the establishment media. In the end, she clothed herself in the role of “manager” and “technocrat.” She changed hRer tune, assuming the posture of a statesman and political leader, just last year. She did not hesitate, for example, in her final bloc of electoral programming, to spend three minutes denouncing Veja as the “criminal magazine.” Thereafter, however, the president “disappeared” and returned to the use of defensive tactics.

The government’s communications area, which includes all the ministries and key posts reserved for allies in the Congress, neglected to respond to the most recent attacks by the PSDB-DEM and its captive media.

The president was accused of “electoral fraud,” of betraying her own program of government, of heading “a criminal organization,” of leading Brazil into recession and all the problems that afflict the nation — including blame for the lack of water in São Paulo.

Interlocks in the Argentina media ecology. Read more about it.

Interlocks in the Argentina media ecology. Read more about it.

The speech reflects a greater understanding of the urgency of “the battle for communication.” The problem is that the instruments available for this battle are limited.

Until very recently, Dilma herself avoided the controversies and the confrontations with the falsehoods and half-truths of the establishment media. In the end, she clothed herself in the role of “manager” and “technocrat.” She changed her tune, assuming the posture of a statesman and political leader, just last year. She did not hesitate, for example, in her final bloc of electoral programming, to spend three minutes denouncing Veja as the “criminal magazine.” Thereafter, however, the president “disappeared” and returned to the use of defensive tactics.

The government’s communications area, which includes all the ministries and key posts reserved for allies in the Congress, neglected to respond to the most recent attacks by the PSDB-DEM and its captive media.

The president was accused of “electoral fraud,” of betraying her own program of government, of heading “a criminal organization,” of leading Brazil into recession and all the problems that afflict the nation — including blame for the lack of water in São Paulo.

The government’s response to this wave of accusations has been timid — non-existent, really. It is now to be seen whether the government’s supporters will have more energy to wage “the battle of communication.”

Along with this – and what is worse –, in her first mandate, Dilma Rousseff failed to move against the destructive power of the media monopolies. She aborted all proposals for a democratic regulation of the media. She preferred to recite the platitude: “Vote with your remote control.” She did nothing to enforce the articles of the Constitution that prohibit – among other plagues – the monopolies in the sector. She tabled the resolutions approved by the First National Conference on Communication (Confecom) and the bills drafted by the team of ex-president Lula.

Dilma now stresses the urgency of this “battle for communication” but lacks the weapons with which to wage this strategic battle.

Not even those measures that do not require approval by Congress — a less favorable Congress, with an extensive conservative majority — were implemented during the first mandate. Government advertising budgets continue to feed the snake in the grass, reinforcing the monopolies. The experiment in public TV, TV Brasil, has also received little attention, to the point where it is nearly abandoned.

The speech reflects a greater understanding of the urgency of “th

Interlocks in the Argentina media ecology. Read more about it.

Interlocks in the Argentina media ecology. Read more about it.

Source: Barão do Itaraé

Author: Altimo Borges

[A recent speech by Brazilian president  Dilma Rousseff] reflects a greater understanding of the urgency of “the battle for communication.” The problem is that the instruments available for this battle are limited.

Until very recently, Dilma herself avoided the controversies and the confrontations with the falsehoods and half-truths of the establishment media. In the end, she clothed herself in the role of “manager” and “technocrat.” She changed her tune, assuming the posture of a statesman and political leader, just last year. She did not hesitate, for example, in her final bloc of electoral programming, to spend three minutes denouncing Veja as the “criminal magazine.” Thereafter, however, the president “disappeared” and returned to the use of defensive tactics.

The government’s communications area, which includes all the ministries and key posts reserved for allies in the Congress, neglected to respond to the most recent attacks by the PSDB-DEM and its captive media.

The president was accused of “electoral fraud,” of betraying her own program of government, of heading “a criminal organization,” of leading Brazil into recession — in short, for all the problems that afflict the nation — including blame for the lack of water in São Paulo.

The government’s response to this wave of accusations has been timid — non-existent, really. It is now to be seen whether the government’s supporters will have more energy to wage “the battle of communication.”

Along with this – and what is worse –, in her first mandate, Dilma Rousseff failed to move against the destructive power of the media monopolies. She aborted all proposals for a democratic regulation of the media. She preferred to recite the platitude: “Vote with your remote control.” She did nothing to enforce the articles of the Constitution that prohibit – among other plagues – the monopolies in the sector. She tabled the resolutions approved by the First National Conference on Communication (Confecom) and the bills drafted by the team of ex-president Lula.

Dilma now stresses the urgency of this “battle for communication” but lacks the weapons with which to wage this strategic battle.

Not even those measures that do not require approval by Congress — a less favorable Congress, with an extensive conservative majority — were implemented during the first mandate. Government advertising budgets continue to feed the snake in the grass, reinforcing the monopolies. The experiment in public TV, TV Brasil, has also received little attention, to the point where it is nearly abandoned.

An overview of the problem indicates that this “battle for communication” may become a lost battle, a mere rhetorical figure. In order to confront the media during her second mandate, Dilma will have to fortify and revitalize her own communications team. No “disinformation” should be left without a response — including [propaganda regarding] the illegal possession of national radio and TV concessions.

More than this, Dilma must show she is really willing to confront the media dictatorship — revisiting the distribution of government ad spending, reinforcing the public media, and hosting a popular debate on the democratic regulation of the media. Can she do it?

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