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Clarín and Veja | Sisters in Slime?

Screenshot from 2015-04-05 13:29:46
Source: GGN and Carta Maior

Little if any attention has been given to the fact that Veja magazine has exported its “character assassination” technology to Argentina. The gambit was coordinated between Veja and the Argentine daily Clarin, soldiers of the same media mafia, headquartered in Miami with the SIP (Interamerican Press Society). The attack is a clear attempt to draw the focus away from the tax evasion practiced by Clarin in the HSBC case.

The son of the Argentine presidents, Máximo Kirchner, announced today he will sue Veja over an article on its site accusing him of owning offshore accounts. The accusation by Veja was reproduced on the cover of Clarin today, prompting Maximo — heir to the youth movement and heir to the political legacy of Nestor Kirchner – to grant an interview to a local radio station. He had never before been interviewed by the establishment press, and his presence was so unexpected that the program was aired almost simultaneously on a myriad of radio and TV stations.”Screenshot from 2015-04-05 13:29:46Screenshot from 2015-04-05 13:29:46
Source: GGN and Carta Maior

Little if any attention has been given to the fact that Veja magazine has exported its “character assassination” technology to Argentina. The gambit was coordinated between Veja and the Argentine daily Clarin, soldiers of the same media mafia, headquartered in Miami with the SIP (Interamerican Press Society). The attack is a clear attempt to draw the focus away from the tax evasion practiced by Clarin in the HSBC case.

The son of the Argentine presidents, Máximo Kirchner, announced today he will sue Veja over an article on its site accusing him of owning offshore accounts. The accusation by Veja was reproduced on the cover of Clarin today, prompting Maximo — heir to the youth movement and heir to the political legacy of Nestor Kirchner – to grant an interview to a local radio station.

At the same time, the Coutinhos article is overflowing with contrary to fact conditionals, and contains a kind of retraction in the third paragraph in which he admits that “it was not possible to confirm independently who owns those accounts.”

In the Argentine press, this detail was not deemed important. On Monday, the Clarín Web portal accused Máximo over his accounts, coining such terms such as “K-money” and “K-corruption,” common catchphrases for at least four years in the effort to dethrone the Kirchners. On April 2, the weekly Notícias, a collaborator in the opposition press, published a photomontage with Máximo in handcuffs like a common criminal, with the headline, “Cristina’s Nightmare.”

Screenshot from 2015-04-05 14:46:38

The official Telám news agency provided intensive coverage as well (suggesting coordination of coverage on both sides of the nonissue.)

Carta Maior

[ … ]

. Na mesma segunda-feira, a página do portal Clarín denunciava as contas de Máximo Kirchner, com chamadas falando sobre “a rota de dinheiro K” ou a “corrupção K”, duas denominações que vem sendo usadas há pelo menos quatro anos, como parte de sua estratégia de perseguição e desgaste do governo. Na quinta-feira (2/4), o semanário Noticias, de outro grupo editorial opositor, trouxe na capa uma montagem de mostrando Máximo Kirchner algemado, como um delinquente comum, com o título “A foto mais temida por Cristina”Máximo had never before been interviewed by the establishment press, and his presence was so unexpected that the program was aired almost simultaneously on a myriad of radio and TV stations.

Screenshot from 2015-04-05 14:46:38

The official Telám news agency provided intensive coverage as well (suggesting coordination of coverage on both sides of the nonissue.)

Carta Maior

[ … ]

Veja magazine has become an international operator which, beyond attacking the PT in Brazil, also has the Kirchner government in Argentina in its sights. Two articles in the magazine were published this week, denouncing supposedly the supposed million-dollar offshore accounts of Máximo Kirchner, son of Cristina, and Nilda Garré, ex-Ministry of Security and the current ambassador to the OAS.

The Brazilian versions of the stories were rapidly reproduced by media with ties to Clarín, the Argentine Globo, which is carrying out a violent media campaign to undermine the government in anticipation of the October presidential elections.

On March 30, journalist Leonardo Coutinho of Veja, wrote that “Máximo Kirchner had been a shareholder in million-dollar accounts in the U.S. and the Caymans.”

Coutinho cites an anonymous source, identified only as an American expert in financial investigation who offers an amazing level of detail about Máximo’s accounts, said to have contained $41.7 million as of 2010, Coutinho says. “The first account, No. 00049859852398325985, was opened in October 2005 at the Felton Bank in the U.S. under the name of a company called Business and Services IBC, headquartered in Belize. Listed owners of the offshore corporation were Nilda Celia Garré, Henry Olaf Aaset and Máximo Carlos Kirchner,” according to Coutinho.

In the United States, the right wing is furious with U.S. negotiations with Iran on the latter’s nuclear program and are seeking to enter the debate by citing the Latin American “back door”: Brazil, Argentina and Venezuela.

For their part, Clarín and Veja know that any attack on Kirchener could reflect indirectly on Dilma Rousseff, and vice versa: it is a win-win situation. But what What matters most is the production of bombastic headlines. In Argentina, Clarín and the opposition are desperate because the attorney Alberto Nisman, the prosecutor killed in his apartment one day before testifying to the legislative branch to denounce a secret accord between the government and Iran, has been reduced from Hollywood hero to vaudeville clown.

In recent weeks, two courts have rejected the Misman accusation in the most emphatic terms (“lacking any foundation,” “provocative,” “out of touch with reality.” Other facts are emerging about Nue Eduaisman, who is far from the example of courage and civic spirit he was touted as being. He frequented call girls, spent public money on trips to Cancun, had a $ 600,000 account offshore, and, worst of all, took half the deposits to the account of Diego Lagomarsino, the same IT contractor who loaned him the fatal weapon.

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