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Expats in Sambodia | Car Wash as a Safe Haven

Revista-Istoé

«How the Petrobras Scheme FIlled the Tank of Government Allies»

Janio Freitas of the Folha de S. Paulo, recommended by Luis Nassif

A preliminary search of events since the unleashing of “Operation Final Judgement” a year ago — [a tributary of Operation Car Wash which led to the arrest of] top executives of major public contractors — yields surprising results and calls for an examination of the less publicized aspects of Car Wash.

A preliminary search of events since the unleashing of “Operation Final Judgement” a year ago, [a tributary of Operation Car Wash which led to the arrest of] top executives of major public contractors, yields surprising results and calls for an examination of the less publicized aspects of Car Wash and their present and future side effects.

Less than a week before the decision that elevated Judge Sergio Moro to the heights of his current prestige, another crucial development was noted. On 19 November, a former Petrobras executive, Pedro Barusco, signed a plea agreement in return for his testimony. His attorney was Beatriz Catta Preta, who would later abandon her clients citing threats received. Catta Preta and a battalion of 14 prosecutors and senior federal police agents signed off on the agreement.

Catta Preta had already negotiated a similar plea deal for Julio Camargo [of Camargo & Correa]. Lacking any ties to Petrobras, this lobbyist nevertheless achieved notoriety in press coverage of Car Wash based on the confession that he earned a great deal of money in transactions with Petrobras executives as an intermediary in the contracts obtained by Samsung of Korea and Mitsui of Japan.

Barusco, however, was a more prolific of lobbyists than that. It was regarding these transactions, in which his name was barely mentioned, that speculation arose that he was feared by the suspects in the case because his life was threatened by cancer. It was Barusco who promised to return US$100 million, representing bribe money received from the major Brazilian contractors.

And that was not all. Together with what he received as a Petrobras executive, Barusco was later bribed in his capacity as a director of Sete Brasil, a company formed to produce probes for the exploration of the pre-salt layer. The shipyards hired were Jurong and Keppel Fels, which paid Barusco handsomely in return for obtaining and negotiating the price of the respective subcontracts.

In a similar scandal involving cartel formation in new construction on the São Paulo subway (the “Metrô”), politicians may stand trial for various irregularities committed by Alstom (France) and Siemens (Germany). Coverage by the FT.

But we need not limit ourselves to Brazilian contractors and Asian corporations. A European source of bribes figures prominently on the list: One of the most recent state’s evidence witnesses described million-dollar bribes paid to Petrobras executives in return for hiring the Italian group Saipem.

In the first year of Operation Final Judgement, UTC chairman-CEO Ricardo Pessoa received the most coverage of any Brazilian contractors arrested by the federal police, due to his erratic status as state’s evidence. Among the senior executives, Sergio Mendes of Mendes Júnior has already been sentenced to 19 years.

In short, those who did not agree to turn state’s witness have already been convicted for payment of bribes, or await appeals on bribery charges and other accusations in each case …

Not a single executive of a foreign company that paid bribes has been arrested, or had their homes raided by the federal police, or been indicted on bribery charges. Only the middle men have been the target of search and seizre warrants.

The situation resembles the cases of homicides in which the killer and his go-between are arrested but the intellectual autor is untouchable. Brazil is all too familiar with this standard.

The Brazilian contractors accused of bribery are forbidden from negotiating contracts with Petrobras, a state of affairs with numerous, significant implications for Petrobras.

Foreign corporations such as Jurong, Keppel Fels, Saipem, Samsung and Mitsui have not not suffered police visits with warrants to the headquarters of their Brazilian operations. Nor have they faced any charges, as the Brazilian companies have, as agents of corru

A preliminary search of events since the unleashing of “Operation Final Judgement” a year ago — [a tributary of Operation Car Wash which led to the arrest of] top executives of major public contractors — yields surprising results and calls for an examination of the less publicized aspects of Car Wash.

A preliminary search of events since the unleashing of “Operation Final Judgement” a year ago, [a tributary of Operation Car Wash which led to the arrest of] top executives of major public contractors, yields surprising results and calls for an examination of the less publicized aspects of Car Wash and their present and future side effects.

Less than a week before the decision that elevated Judge Sergio Moro to the heights of his current prestige, another crucial development was noted. On 19 November, a former Petrobras executive, Pedro Barusco, signed a plea agreement in return for his testimony. His attorney was Beatriz Catta Preta, who would later abandon her clients citing threats received. Catta Preta and a battalion of 14 prosecutors and senior federal police agents signed off on the agreement.

Catta Preta had already negotiated a similar plea deal for Julio Camargo [of Camargo & Correa]. Lacking any ties to Petrobras, this lobbyist nevertheless achieved notoriety in press coverage of Car Wash based on the confession that he earned a great deal of money in transactions with Petrobras executives as an intermediary in the contracts obtained by Samsung of Korea and Mitsui of Japan.

Barusco, however, was a more prolific of lobbyists than that. It was regarding these transactions, in which his name was barely mentioned, that speculation arose that he was feared by the suspects in the case because his life was threatened by cancer. It was Barusco who promised to return US$100 million, representing bribe money received from the major Brazilian contractors.

And that was not all. Together with what he received as a Petrobras executive, Barusco was later bribed in his capacity as a director of Sete Brasil, a company formed to produce probes for the exploration of the pre-salt layer. The shipyards hired were Jurong and Keppel Fels, which paid Barusco handsomely in return for obtaining and negotiating the price of the respective subcontracts.

In a similar scandal involving cartel formation in new construction on the São Paulo subway (the “Metrô”), politicians may stand trial for various irregularities committed by Alstom (France) and Siemens (Germany).

But we need not limit ourselves to Brazilian contractors and Asian corporations. A European source of bribes figures prominently on the list: One of the most recent state’s evidence witnesses described million-dollar bribes paid to Petrobras executives in return for hiring the Italian group Saipem.

In the first year of Operation Final Judgement, UTC chairman-CEO Ricardo Pessoa received the most coverage of any Brazilian contractors arrested by the federal police, due to his erratic status as state’s evidence. Among the senior executives, Sergio Mendes of Mendes Júnior has already been sentenced to 19 years.

In short, those who did not agree to turn state’s witness have already been convicted for payment of bribes, or await appeals on bribery charges and other accusations in each case …

Not a single executive of a foreign company that paid bribes has been arrested, or had their homes raided by the federal police, or been indicted on bribery charges. Only the middle men have been the target of search and seizre warrants.

The situation resembles the cases of homicides in which the killer and his go-between are arrested but the intellectual autor is untouchable. Brazil is all too familiar with this standard.

The Brazilian contractors accused of bribery are forbidden from negotiating contracts with Petrobras, a state of affairs with numerous, significant implications for Petrobras.

Foreign corporations such as Jurong, Keppel Fels, Saipem, Samsung and Mitsui have not not suffered police visits with warrants to the headquarters of their Brazilian operations. Nor have they faced any charges, as the Brazilian companies have, as alleged agents of corruption and payers of bribes. And what is more, they remain free to negotiate contracts with Petrobras.

Ah, yes, one of the corrupt companies, Mitsui, has even been cleared to form a partnership with Petrobras in Gaspetro. …