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A Lesson in Sambodian Hermeneutics | Globo on the Upstairs-Downstairs Dynamic

ConflictInterpretations

An excitingly fresh take on some classic themes and ideas, THE SECOND MOTHER centers around Val, a hard-working live-in housekeeper in modern day Sao Paulo. Val is perfectly content to take care of every one of her wealthy employers’ needs, from cooking and cleaning to being a surrogate mother to their teenage son, who she has raised since he was a toddler. But when Val’s estranged daughter Jessica suddenly shows up the unspoken but intrinsic class barriers that exist within the home are thrown into disarray. Jessica is smart, confident, and ambitious, and refuses to accept the upstairs/downstairs dynamic, testing relationships and loyalties and forcing everyone to reconsider what family really means.

By: Rodrigo Vianna

Fonte: Escrevinhador

Ricardo Calil just doesn’t get it. In his UOL-hosted blog, the movie critic expresses surprise at the way Globo journalism interpreted the recently released film «What Time Does She Get Home?» [English: The Second Mother] during its Sunday-evening variety show, Fantástico.

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Oilmen At The Gates | The Siege of Jardim Botânico

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Topic: Governance and Petrobras ADRs

Source:  Emanuel Cancella « Viomundo

In the 1990s, the oil syndicates marched in protest to the doors of Globo, in the Jardim Botânico.

The broadcaster was running a campaign in favor of privatizing Petrobras, comparing the company to a [white ]elephant and painting executives of the oil syndicates  as “maharajahs.”

Time has shown who was in the right: in recent times, Petrobras discovered the pre-salt layer, which increased our oil reserves to 60 billion barrels, guaranteeing consumption for the next 50 years … and is one of the largest oil companies, in the world.

It is notable for the fact that 75% of the taxes it paid are applied to PAC, the federal Growth Acceleration Program and to various social and cultural purposes.

In the present day, corruption is investigated and the bribe payers and takers are on their way to jail.The Federal Attorney (Ministério Público) has announced it will try to recover R$ 1 billion embezzled from the company.

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The Art of the Artless Insinuation: Suppose Globo Blackmailed The Prosecutor …

GLOBO LIES: I have fact-checked a number of cases in which this claim proved absolutely true.

Marco Aurélio Mello — not to be confused with the Supreme Court Justice appointed by his cousin, President Collor de Mello — is a journalist trained at the São Bernado do Campo campus of the Methodist University of São Paulo, with a master’s degree in journalism from La Crosse University.

He currently works at Jornal da Record, a TV newscast of the Rede Record, archrival of the Rede Globo, and writes the blog DoLaDoDeLá (From the far side, the other side).

Record has been picking up a lot of dissident journalists fired from Globo for what Globo vehemently denies was a case of ideological incompatibility.

The rivalry between Globo, with its Opus Dei ties, and Record, which is owned by a very wealthy and powerful Protestant evangelical congregation, reminds one of the One Hunded Year Wars of Religion.

Mello, for example, was fired for refusing to sign an internal petition attesting to the journalistic integrity of Globo’s 2006 election coverage. A meeting was called with Globo Journalism Central director Ali Kamel:

O editor de economia do Jornal Nacional em SP, Marco Aurélio Mello, estava presente. Ele havia sido um dos jornalistas a se recusar a assinar o abaixo-assinado preparado por Kamel com o objetivo de negar que a Globo havia tentado influenciar o resultado das eleições.

Mello, São Paulo economics editor for the [[Globo Evening News With Mr. and Mrs. Boner]] … had been one of the journalists refusing to sign the Kamel petition, which denied that Globo had attempted to influence the outcome of the elections.

O jornalista, assim como outros que estiveram presentes à reunião, entendeu a atitude de Kamel como uma proposta de trégua. O diretor da Globo chegou a colocar seu endereço eletrônico à disposição da equipe e incentivou que escrevessem sempre que tivessem alguma reclamação.

Mello and others at the meeting believed tht Kamel was proposing a truce. Kamel even provided his e-mail to the team and urged them to write him with any complaints.

Then he fired them all. Mello had been the editor for Globo business anchor Franklin Martins, who was also fired — and ended up as the presidential press secretary, who in Brazil also has control of government advertising budgets.

Reportedly the government has since drastically reduced its TV advertising.

On Globo’s election coverage in 2006, see

I translate the transcript of a tape that captured journalists receiving a leak from a federal police agent. Some are overheard agreeing to proactively lie about their source because the agent is doing something illegal.

They also agree to Photoshop certain information out of an iconic photo of a mountain of money.

On the other hand, the federal minister of communications is still a former top Globo exec.

Maurelio produces an intriguing, teasing contrafactual insinuation about sleazy promiscuity among hypothetical politicized — Alberto Gonzalezified –prosecutors and the national press in São Paulo.

What he means to say is that José Blat of the MPE-SP — removed from the state organized crime task force during a criminal investigation of his extracurricular activities that was later dropped — is being blackmailed by Globo journalists.

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Honduras: The Joy Division and the Army of Alarm

fear: abhorrence, agitation, angst, anxiety, aversion, awe, bête noire, chickenheartedness, cold feet, cold sweat, concern, consternation, cowardice, creeps, despair, discomposure, dismay, disquietude, distress, doubt, dread, faintheartedness, foreboding, fright, funk, horror, jitters, misgiving, nightmare, panic, phobia, presentiment, qualm, recreancy, reverence, revulsion, scare, suspicion, terror, timidity, trembling, tremor, trepidation, unease, uneasiness, worry (thesaurus.reference.com)

Globo (Brazil) reports: Honduran polling opens in atmsophere of  calm.

Globo (Brazil) also reports: Honduran polling opens in climate of fear.

On the same news portal, in the same thread, at the same time.

If you trace the conflicting characterizations back, you see that Globo is simply cribbing different news agencies, such as Reuters, AP, AFP and EFE.

These, in turn, are picking up on either the standard meme of the  situation (<election as fiesta>) or the standard meme of the opposition (<election as Kafkaesque farce>).

But not both.

The Estado de São Paulo, I thought, did a nice backgrounder on the issue that mentions both but endorses neither. Its headline:

Voting Begins in Honduras

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Argentine Press Freedom Bill Is An Assault On Press Freedom: Globo

“Smile, you’re being manipulated”: commemorating the 40th anniversary of the Globo television network.

O Globo tells an out and out lie when it describes as “proceeding through congress in secret” a bill that has been widely debated in Argentine society and about which a Google search turns up thousands of mentions. One cannot even begin to fathom the cynicism of Globo.

O Biscoito Fino e a Massa on “democratization of the media” in neighboring Argentina.

Está ouriçada a grande mídia argentina, e particularmente seu maior grupo, o Clarín. Tramita no Congresso desde o dia 18 de março um projeto enviado pelo governo de Cristina Kirchner, que revisa a legislação imposta em 1980, no auge da pior matança ditatorial da história do país. O projeto de Lei de Serviços de Comunicação Audiovisuais limita o poder midiático que um único grupo pode exercer, reduz de 24 para 10 o número de concessões que um indivíduo poderá receber e elimina as restrições à liberdade de informação em nome da segurança nacional contidas na lei da ditadura. Em qualquer sentido que se olhe, ele promove uma democratização ou, pelo menos, as condições para alguma alteração no quadro monopolista de hoje.

The major news media in Argentina, and especially the country’s largest media group, Clarín, is all aflutter. A bill introduced by the Kirchner administration has been working its way through the congress since March 18 that revises the legislation imposed in 1980, the height of the bloodiest dictatorial violence in the history of the nation. The Audiovisual Communications Services Bill limits the power a single group may exercise, reduces from 24 to 10 the number of concessions an individual may receive, and eliminates restrictions on the freedom of the press in the name of national security contained in the dictatorship-era law. Anyway you look at it, the bill promotes a democratization of the media, or at least provides the conditions for altering the monopolist situation that prevails.

Foi o suficiente para que O Globo fizesse uma matéria que, sob a manchete “Casal K faz nova investida contra a imprensa”, conseguia ser ao mesmo tempo sexista – a presidenta é Cristina – e factualmente falsa. Não há, ao longo de todo o projeto, uma linha que atente contra a liberdade de expressão ou informação, muito pelo contrário – ele elimina as que havia na lei de 1980. O projeto de Cristina Kirchner limita, sim, a “liberdade” de que um único grupo controle 70% do mercado.

All of which was enough for O Globo to run a story which, under the headline, “Kirchner Couple Attack The Press,” managed to be both sexist — the president is Cristina Kirchner — and factually false.

Ecce Globo, eternal font of nasty, self-serving, quacking nonsense that it is.

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“Dantas Judge Is Alien to Our Tupi Way of Life”: Globo

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FAUSTO'S PARALLEL UNIVERSE: Época's profile of the Dantas judge suggests that he is an oddball who holds views of life, the universe, justice, democracy and everything that are alien to the mainstream of Brazilian civilization. Sleazy hit piece? An avalanche of online readers apparently thought so. Deliberately distorted photo: Epoca.com.br

Luis Nassif reflects on a notable backlash by online readers against a profile by Época magazine (Globo) of Brazilian federal judge Fausto de Sanctis.

The judge, who will rule on the charges against Opportunity founding partner Daniel Valente “The Quiet Brazilian” Dantas, has been repeatedly accused in the press recently of being Nazi-inspired. See

The Época piece does appear to be a continuation of that character-assassination campaign. It begins

Aos 44 anos, separado, com fama de vaidoso, o juiz Fausto De Sanctis tem alguns traços de comportamento que o diferenciam da maioria das pessoas.

At 44 years of age, separated, with a reputation for vanity, Judge De Sanctis has some behavioral characteristics that make him different from the average person.

If I get a chance, I will translate the Época profile for you. It tends to pound heavily on the notion that the judge personally and his notions of justice are unorthodox, peculiar, alien, un-Brazilian, and so on and so forth.

I also had the impression it was a sleazy piece of carefully contrived character assassination dressed up as an inane People magazine-style profile. It repeats the “Fausto is a Nazi” meme. It cites only critics of the judge, and none of his defenders (or neutral parties).

Nassif, meanwhile, notes that the magazine’s Web site — recently opened to comments as the magazine merges operations with Globo’s Web portal, G1 — was deluged with infuriated responses from readers, almost unanimously excoriating the magazine and defending the judge:

A rebelião dos leitores da Época com a reportagem sobre De Sanctis caminha para se tornar um case na Internet. Os leitores de Época a vêem como uma espécie de antídoto para Veja. Com a linha editorial dos produtos da Globo entorpecida pelo continuado patrulhamento ideológico de Ali Kamel, no entanto, a revista não ousou ocupar esse espaço anti-Veja.

The rebellion of Época‘s online readers against the piece on De Sanctis is fast becoming one for the books. Época‘s readers tend to see it as a sort of antidote for Veja, but with the editorial line of Globo publications poisoned by close, continuous ideological oversight by [Globo Journalism Central executive director] Ali Kamel, the magazine does not dare try to occupy this “anti-Veja” role.

On Ali Kamel as a gabbling, factually-challenged, logic-chopping ideological propagandist, see

I find Época almost completely unreadable, and Época Negócios, its companion business weekly is one of the most egregious fonts of gibbering nonsense I have ever read.

(Abril’s business weekly Exame can actually be a somewhat useful read, if boiled thoroughly first — proving that pockets of intelligent life do exist at the publishing house.)

A matéria colocou cacos ironizando o juiz. A rebelião dos leitores foi ampla, de uma virulência desproporcional ao teor da matéria, uma enchente de leitores indignados que, em pouco tempo, lotaram a seção de comentários da revista armados da chamada ira santa. Alguns hackers se valeram da falta de filtros da revista para direcionar as mensagens ou para a Carta Capital ou para a série O Caso de Veja.

The article introduced elements designed to mock the judge. The revolt on the part of readers was ample, their anger disproportional to the contents of the article, a veritable flood of indignant readers who in short order filled the comments section of the magazine with what might be called holy wrath. A few hackers took advantage of the Web site’s lack of filters to redirect the messages either to CartaCapital magazine or to my series on Veja magazine.

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Dantas’ Inferno: On Audio Leaked to Globo, Cops Complain Bitterly of Leaks to Globo

In the Dantas case, Troncon commented, when the police team arrived at the scene of the arrests, the press was already there: “The team had to ask them politely to move so they could park the car.” The complaint was mainly directed at TV Globo.

Comunique-se comments on the recording of a meeting among senior officials of the Brazilian Federal Police and the investigator in charge of building the case against banker Daniel Dantas.

As reported earlier by O Globo, the policemen had discussed alleged evidence that Dantas had kept records of R$18 million in bribes paid in 2007 alone to “politicians, judges and journalists.”

See

Comunique-se amplifies on the tenor of the discussion of the role of the news media during that meeting.

The police officials complain about TV Globo’s incestuous relationships with the feds and it uncanny ability to get around their efforts to keep the agency from leaking like the proverbial sieve.

A gravação da reunião da cúpula da Polícia Federal, realizada no dia 14/07, que culminou com o afastamento do delegado Protógenes Queiroz do comando da Operação Satiagraha revela supostos pagamentos de propinas para jornalistas, juízes e políticos. O nome “Mangabeira” aparece como sendo o elo entre Dantas e os meios de comunicação.

The recording of the July 14 meeting that ended in the removal of Queiroz from the Dantas case reveals alleged payment of bribes to journalists, judges and politicians. The name “Mangabeira” appears as the alleged point of contact between Dantas and the news media.

Harvard Law professor Roberto “Pragmatism Unbound” Mangabeira Unger was hired as a trustee for Dantas when the Dantas group was ousted from management of Brasil Telecom by the other shareholders — the casus belli of so much of the conflict in this byzantine affair.

Mangabeira later overcame stiff political resistance to be named to a special cabinet post in the current government. See

“Nosso alvo é extremamente estrategista. Ao pegar o laptop (na casa dele, na hora da apreensão) estavam os manuscritos: na PF vai a pessoa tal, falar com tal. No Judiciário vai a pessoa tal. No jornalista, a gente contrata o Mangabeira para chegar nos meios de comunicação. Estava todo o organograma dele lá”, disse o delegado Carlos Eduardo Pelegrini Magro, um dos responsáveis pela Satiagraha.

“Our target is a consummate strategist. When we grabbed his laptop (during the serving of a search and seizure warrant) there were the handwritten notes: At the federal police, go see so-and-so. In the courts, go see so-and-so. With journalists, we hire Mangabeira to approach the news media. It was all charted out there,” said … one of the investigators in charge of the case.

Os documentos apreendidos apontam que o suposto esquema movimentava R$ 18 milhões. Durante a conversa, o superintendente da PF em São Paulo, Leandro Coimbra, pediu cautela ao se fazer acusações sobre a distribuição de propina.

The documents apprehended suggest the alleged scheme involved R$18 million. During the conversation, São Paulo federal police superintendent Leandro Coimbra called for caution in making bribery accusations.

“As organizações hoje se caracterizam por tentar entrar nos órgãos públicos. Temos que ter sobriedade nesses julgamentos”, disse Coimbra.

“Organizations nowadays are known for trying to infiltrate public agencies. We have to be sober when making these judgments,” said Coimbra.

Para Protógenes, imprensa tenta “desestabilizar” a PF

Queiroz believed the press is trying to “destabilize” the federal police

Durante a reunião, o delegado Protógenes Queiroz acusou parte da imprensa de tentar “desestabilizar” a investigação da PF. Ele classificou os veículos Folha de S. Paulo, Veja, Istoé Dinheiro e Época como “imprensa sem-vergonha”. De acordo com Queiroz, as manchetes queriam “denegrir” o trabalho da PF.

During the meeting, Queiroz accused part of the press of trying to “destabilize” the federal investigation. He characterized the Folha de S. Paulo, Veja, IstoÉ Dinheiro and Época (Globo) as “the [sleazebag] press.” According to him, the headlines were designed to “denigrate” the work of federal agents.

“Tentaram fazer isso no judiciário, não conseguiram. Tentaram fazer no Ministério Público, não conseguiram. Será que aqui vão conseguir? Acredito que não”, disse o delegado.

“They tried to do this to the courts, but failed. They tried to do it to the prosecutor’s office, but failed. Do you think they’ll succeed? I think not,” said Queiroz.
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