The "fake-news cycle" according to John Koblin of the NYO -- himself a key link in the chain that recycled rumors from the tabloids into the blogosphere,where the same tabloids that started the rumor in the first place wound up picking them back up again. Really, the diagram should take the form of a closed loop leading back to the NYP. Click to zoom.
I gave New York Observer reporter John Koblin a blogospheric beat-down recently for his role in perpetuating rumors and soliciting leaks about a possibly impending political scandal in New York.
I personally would never let a reporter representing my paper go around Twitting plagiarized (in that the source of the rumor — the New York Post, hence “gabbling” in the completion of the primary dependent clause, once I have finished my hyperbaton — was not identified) gabbling rumors.
Much less would I proudly feature his pontificating about the fake-news cycle afterwards. It was not treated “fake news” when he twitted the rumor, without attribution to its source, in the first place. It was treaed as a hot tip with an open casting call out for leakers and phreakers willing to substantiate it.
Having said that, I will now myself transfer a strategically leaked, anonymously sourced story about allegations of shady strategic leaks by other, as yet unnamed, police, from one blogosphere — the Portuguese-speaking one — into another — pra inglês ver.
Unfortunately, in Brazil, that is sometimes the best you can expect from the local press. You have to piece the story together from a variety of leaks and counterleaks, like the blind men with their elephant. Fear, uncertainty and doubt rule the day.
So caveat lector.
According to O Globo, the Rio metro daily, the governor of the federal district, already in federal custody to prevent further acts of witness-tampering, may be in even hotter water.
He is now accused — the federal police leak out new evidence in dribs and drabs to keep the soap opera going — of using state security agencies as a personal political police force.
Police intelligence officers are said to have spied on prosecutors building cases against Arruda and then preempted those confidential investigations with leaks.
Documento em poder de investigadores da Operação Caixa de Pandora contém indícios de que setores da inteligência da Polícia Civil foram usados para espionar o Ministério Público do Distrito Federal, base de onde partiram as primeiras investigações sobre o suposto pagamento de propina a Arruda, ao governador em exercício, Paulo Octávio, e a parlamentares da base governista.
A document in the possession of federal investigators working on Operation Pandora’s Box contains indications that resources of the district police intelligence service were used to spy on the district prosecutor’ office, source of the first investigations into alleged bribe-taking by Governor Arruda, the current interim governor Paulo Octávio (DEM), and pro-situation lawmakers.
A bit of back story here: Antônio Carlos Magalhães, the dark overlord of Brazil’s PFL political party — recently rebaptized as the “Democratic” party, in a bid to disassociate itself from its roots in ARENA, party of the situation in the Potemkin congress maintained by the 1964-1985 military dictatorship — was himself a reputed master of using public security agencies to spy on political adversaries.
In 2003, federal investigators alleged that police working for ACM were falsifying the wiretap authorizations issued by judges, adding the names of parties totally unrelated to the case at hand but considered enemies, or untrusted allies, by the Senator. IstoÉ magazine, just to give you an idea, reported at a given moment in the scandal:
Novas investigações da Polícia Federal constataram que o número original de 232 telefones monitorados eram, na verdade, a ponta de um iceberg criminoso. Os policiais da Secretaria de Segurança Pública da Bahia estavam gravando conversas de mais de mil pessoas em cinco Estados. O delegado Valdir Barbosa e o técnico Alan Farias, os principais executores do grampo e já indiciados pelos crimes de falsificação de documentos e escuta ilegal no inquérito da PF, fizeram quase 900 pedidos de escuta. Os pedidos mais recentes datam de fevereiro de 2003, quando ACM já tinha tomado posse no Senado …
New investigations by the federal police have found that the 232 illegal wiretaps installed were in fact merely the tip of the iceberg. Policemen from the State Security Secretariate of Bahia were recording the conversations of over 1,000 persons in five states. Police captain Valdir Barbosa and technician Alan Farias, the principal operators of these bugs, who have already been charged by the feds with falsifying documents and illegal wiretapping, had made over 900 requests for judicially authorized surveillance. The most recent date from February 2003, when Magalhães had already assumed his seat in the Senate ...
The 2003 reelection of Magalhães followed his resignation from the Senate in 2001 to avoid impeachment proceedings on charges of having violated the confidentiality of the vote on the Senate floor.
(His political machine was dealt a blow in the 2006 elections, losing the governorship to Jaques Wagner of the PT. His son still occupies his Senate seat, however, even as his grandson leads the DEM-PFL benches in the lower house.)
Our governor Arruda — at the time the leader of the situation in the lower house as a member of the PSDB — after initially denying having conspired with ACM to coopt the Senate technical staff in order to learn the secret votes of Senate members in an impeachment trial, later admitted to doing so in a tearful farewell address, then resigned along with ACM.
He would also make a mythic, almost immediate Nixonian comeback, now affiliated with the party of Magalhães:
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