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São Paulo | The Triumvirate of Transport


Topic: Who runs the São Paulo bus system?

by  Guilherme Boulos

Source: Viomundo

Originally published in the Folha de S. Paulo.

Translated excerpt by C. Brayton

The predominant force in the city bus service is José Ruas Vaz, also known as “The Baron of the Asphalt” or “The Pope of the Turnstyles.” He is the founder of the Ruas Group, which controls no less than 53% of the rolling stock and receives 56% of the public funding. He also controls bus transport in Guarulhos and other cities in the greater metro area.

Vaz is a man of many enterprises, all of them oddly interrelated. He is, for example, a partner in the consortium that manages advertising at bus stops and the owner of Caio Induscar, which supplies bus chassis to its own sister companies as well as to competitors. If a sector as monopolistic as this can be said to have competitors, that is.

Ruas Group is also known for filing for the bankruptcy of debt-laden companies and then refounding them in order to make it difficult to collect its debts. In 2013 it faced 242 cases of execution for debt. Its pension plan contribution to the INSS reached R$ 750,000.

This is the gang that rules supreme over public transport in the largest city in Brazil.

Another major player in this area is Belarmino Marta, owner of the Belarmino Group, which comprises more than 20 companies that control public transport in various cities, as well as a portion of the capital city.

Along with Ruas Group, Belarmino is owner and partner in a number of Mercedes Benz concession-holders. Mercedes furnishes 65% of city buses.

A Mercedes sales director, testifying to the parliamentary inquiry (CPI) into the transport scriminalityector, produced the following pearl of wisdom: “They sell the bus and microbus chassis to themselves.” Clever, is it not?

The level of cartelization and criminality in the sector has become self-evident. Zero transparency. They have turned a public concession into a means to extort society.

Fares can and should be cut. But where to cut? The profits of the concessionaires, together with a thorough-going reform in the management of urban transportation. The creation of a public transportation company that would manage the system directly is an urgent and necessary measure.

Profitablity does not combine well with quality. A for-profit transport system means that riders must cope with overcrowding and expensive fares. An example of this is the bizzare practice of paying the buses according to the number of passengers carried rather than distance covered. In other words, it is a matter of carrying more people at a lower cost. The result is overcrowding.

Popular demonstrations and the new round of auctions for transport contracts scheduled for March represent an opportunity to question this logic, to begin treating public transport as a right.

What remains to be seen is whether anyone will have the courage.


TV PSDB? | The Padre Anchieta PPP

They might be better off I think.
The way it seems to me
Making up their own shows,
Which might be better than TV …
–Talking Heads

Recent developments at São Paulo’s PBS quasi-equivalent, TV Cultura, continues to draw flack from the Ford Foundation-funded Observatório da Imprensa and other local observers.

As Wikipedia notes, and I translate

The adminstrative council of the Padre Anchieta Foundation comprises 47 members. The appointment of life-time and elected members are, in large part, influenced by the São Paulo state government.  The state’s role in the foundation’s decision-making process — said to violate its founding principles – has led to criticism by media analysts.

This is true: elected and appointed city and state officials share the dais with tenured professors at state-run universities, which do themselves no favors by playing along. I cannot bear to watch it, although I used to enjoy Roda Viva.

The naked truth is that the ruling PSDB has followed in the footsteps of its ideological twin in Mexico, the PAN: founded as a moralizing antidote to the machine politics of the PMDB and PFL — the PRI, in PAN’s case — it has slipped the very leash it sought to place on public immorality.

Heading this partial llist, Goldman and Matarazzo are one of the PSDB’s federal senators and the power behind the throne of São Paulo’s municipal government, respectively. Is he one of those Matarazzos? Yes, he is: a scion of the coffee barons, a sort of tropical Lorenzo de Medici.

Added to the mix most recently is commercially produced programming by the Folha de S. Paulo and the Editora Abril, both of them credibly — they are incredibly guilty, really — denounced as part of the political machine.

I find that a preliminary «link ecology» of TV Cultura’s Web presence neatly confirms this diagnosis. I have pruned the network of most redundant «social code» — Twitter, Facebook and other echo chambers …

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